CRI Bangladesh Report

“My Body Is Burning”

Climate Change, Extreme Heat, and Labor Rights in Bangladesh

July 2025

Summary

My body is burning. But still there is no break at all. I have to complete [my] work… I am suffering [in the heat], but I have to do my job.¹

— Raina, a garment worker in Dhaka

In Bangladesh, we have commitments, we have protective policies for [formal sector] workers. But in practice, it’s not happening. Accountability is not happening.²

— Towhidur Rahman, President of the Bangladesh Apparel Workers Federation

Summers in Dhaka are unforgiving. Smog and dust cloud the sky, veiling the city in a muted haze. Hot air radiates off a canopy of tightly packed metal rooftops. The humidity is suffocating. Water, gas, and electricity services shut off periodically, sometimes without warning. For tens of millions of people, there is no escape from the oppressive heat.

In May 2025, temperatures in Dhaka hit 40°C (104°F).³ Humidity levels that month soared past 91% – and at one point, the heat index, or “feels like” temperature, reached almost 48°C (118°F).⁴ In response to the extreme conditions, Bangladesh health authorities issued an emergency heat advisory urging people to take protective measures and limit physical exertion.⁵ But for many workers across the city, avoiding the heat wasn’t – isn’t – an option.

Even on the hottest and most extreme days, garment workers toil over steaming irons, trapped inside poorly-ventilated, overheated factories; construction workers carry heavy loads overhead under the midday sun; and rickshaw pullers and delivery riders ferry passengers and cargo back and forth through the city’s sweltering streets. For millions of workers in Dhaka, the labor never stops.

Among them is Raina, who left her coastal village in rural Bangladesh over 20 years ago in search of the economic promise of urban life. In Dhaka, Raina found work in the textile industry, where she has been working 10 to 14 hours per day, six days per week, for the last 18 years. In exchange for her labor, she is paid roughly 17,000 taka per month (about $140 USD). She is not compensated for overtime.

When Climate Rights International (CRI) first met Raina in Dhaka in May of 2024, she was six months pregnant with her third child. The heat index that month rose above 38°C (about 100°F) on 23 of 31 days, never once falling below 32°C (about 90°F).⁶ As heatwaves gripped the city, Raina described the unbearable conditions inside the factory where she worked, tasked with the repetitive job of sewing pockets onto hundreds of pairs of jeans each day.⁷ Even in the intense heat, she said she had no access to cooling systems, was given no additional breaks, and that her daily production quota remained unchanged.

On a particularly muggy evening in Mirpur, Raina explained to CRI the harmful impacts the heat had had on her body. She recounted experiencing excessive sweating, headaches, vision loss, dizziness, confusion, nausea, vomiting, and urinary tract infections, among other issues. Still, the factory did not provide necessary accommodations to help her manage the heat:

Once I fainted. It was the shock of the heat. The line chief and another worker took me to the toilet and my fellow worker put water on my head and gave me some time to lie down underneath the table. [But] there is no space to have a break, so I just lie down underneath the table. And after a little break, I started work again.⁸

Unfortunately, this type of incident appeared to be the norm in Raina’s workplace, as her colleagues, too, struggled similarly in the hot season:

Almost every day [in the hot season], in our factory, five to seven people faint. Five to seven people just fall down.⁹

Like garment workers, outdoor workers in Dhaka also are suffering in the heat. Informal workers, in particular – like rickshaw pedalers, delivery riders, and construction workers – are experiencing parallel challenges with little protection.

Kaswar, a climate migrant who left his coastal village due to recurrent flooding, now works as a rickshaw puller in Dhaka. He described the intense conditions:

When the humidity and the heat [are] high, it’s really difficult to work in this condition … Sometimes I feel really like … I’m going to die like this.¹⁰

Kaswar shared that he had never experienced these types of extremes until recently:

I never … I am almost fifty years old, but I never observed or experienced such extreme heat. And I never heard about this type of heat from my father, my grandfather.¹¹

Still, he saw the ways in which the changing climate was already proving deadly:

Almost two months ago, one of my friends, [a] rickshaw driver, he died out of this heat stroke.¹²

In addition to the physical and emotional burden of the heat, high temperatures in Dhaka – and in all regions of the world – are already having significant financial impacts. Workers explained to CRI that they moved more slowly, worked less efficiently, and became ill more frequently in the heat, all of which threatened to reduce their income.

Razia, a female delivery worker, described these challenges:

[The heat] directly affects my income. When the heat is too much, I cannot go as much as the other normal day. So it affects negatively on my income and my working time also.¹³

Several workers shared that, on occasion, heat-related financial losses left them unable to afford food. To feed themselves and support their families, workers faced a constant and harrowing choice between their health and their survival. Kaswar explained:

The weather … it has a very direct impact on my work and my income [and] my health … But still, I have to go outside whether it’s too hot, or whatever it is – rainy or anything. Without working, I cannot maintain my family; I cannot eat anything. So that’s why in that condition, we have to work.¹⁴

These stories are not anomalies. Instead, they spotlight an alarming trend. As the climate crisis continues to accelerate, rising temperatures and more frequent heatwaves are exposing billions of workers each year to extreme heat on the job, resulting in a slew of human rights abuses, millions of occupational injuries, and billions of dollars in damages. In Bangladesh alone, over 70 million workers annually are exposed to excessive heat at work – and that number is quickly rising.¹⁵

The reality is grim. As temperatures soar, workers like Raina, Razia, and Kaswar face ever-greater risks, while workplace protections fail to keep pace. Together, their testimonies reveal a quiet crisis unfolding at the intersection of climate change and labor exploitation.¹⁶

* * * * * * *

As the global climate emergency accelerates, workers in developing countries are bearing the brunt of its impacts. Yet there exists limited research about the ways in which extreme temperatures are affecting the health and safety of workers specifically in these regions, where poverty, weak labor protections, and rapid urbanization are compounding climate challenges. Where studies do exist, the voices of workers – those enduring the day-to-day consequences of the heat – are often excluded from the conversation.

This report seeks to address that gap by centering the lived experiences of workers in Dhaka, Bangladesh – one of the “Critical 9” countries with the greatest number of people at high heat-related risk – and by documenting the health and human rights consequences of occupational heat exposure in the words of workers on the frontlines.¹⁷ Our research is based on 54 interviews with workers across the garment, construction, and transportation industries – three sectors critical to Dhaka’s economy and at significant heat-related risk – as well as additional interviews with local and international experts in both labor rights and public health.¹⁸

Heat Impacts on Worker Health and Well-Being

All of the workers interviewed by CRI described suffering from a range of heat-related health problems. Workers recounted experiencing symptoms including excessive sweating, dehydration, itchiness, headaches, fever, nausea, vomiting, muscle cramps, chest pain, heart palpitations, and even temporary vision loss. Most had either fainted in the heat themselves or witnessed a colleague collapse while on the job. Several workers reported losing consciousness more than once:

Last May, there were many hot days … I fainted a couple of times. And it also happened to other people.¹⁹

Some, like Soma, a garment worker, described episodes in which their symptoms became so severe that they were physically unable to move:

In May, [during] our typical huge heatwave … I cannot, actually at my worst … sometimes I cannot move my hands. I cannot work because I feel exhausted.²⁰

For others, the heat proved deadly. Jamil, a young construction worker in Mirpur, described an incident in which a colleague passed out due to the heat and fell to his death:

I saw my [colleague] fall down when his head was spinning during the hot day … he fell down from the hanging [platform] … and he died. Many of my colleagues are having this problem. They faint sometimes … during the very hot days.²¹

Workers reported that the physically demanding nature of their jobs made the heat feel even more intense. Many spent their entire days standing, pedaling, or carrying heavy materials from place to place. Some also worked with hot equipment. Zahir, an iron worker in a garment factory, shared:

In the last heatwave, [during] May and June, sometimes I was sick. I become sick in the heatwave … because I work with [a] hot iron, so it’s both outside heat [and] also my device.²²

For others, the heat was made worse by protective gear. Some workers, like Binita, a garment worker, reported needing to remove their protection in the heat, exposing themselves to additional occupational hazards like chemicals, dust, and injury:

During the hot days, it is really difficult keeping the mask [on]. So sometimes I put down the mask, but when I put down the mask, I inhale a lot of dust and fiber.²³

Some workers also wore heavy clothing through the hot season, including burkas.²⁴

The harsh physical effects of the heat were often accompanied by mental and emotional stress. Many workers described feelings of anxiety and desperation. Several, including Selim, a rickshaw puller, said they believed they might die on the job:

[Over] six months, I feel really hot – and the temperature is too hot, I cannot eat. Sometimes I feel my life would finish soon. This is what it is like when the climate is like this.²⁵

Others shared feelings of anxiety, hopelessness, and unease. One worker recalled crying while working in the extreme conditions.²⁶ Still others had resigned themselves to the fact that suffering in the heat was simply a part of life. Kaavi, a young delivery rider, shared that he thinks there is nothing he, nor anyone, can do to better protect him:

In Bangladesh, there is no such thing to protect myself from the heat… I think no government or no anyone else can save us. With our luck, in Bangladesh, I can’t even imagine the opportunities I can get to get protected from the heat. I just can’t even imagine.²⁷

Heat-Related Productivity and Financial Impacts

Heat impacts had significant consequences for worker productivity. Many workers reported moving and working more slowly in high temperatures. Kaavi, for example, shared that during the hot season, he would sometimes work up to 50 percent more hours to complete tasks.²⁸ Aarit, a garment worker in Mirpur, elaborated about how the heat reduces efficiency:

Extreme heat directly affects my work capacity. Generally, I can iron sixty pieces [per hour], but it goes down to fifty during [the] hottest day.²⁹

While some workers extended their hours to compensate for heat-related slowdowns, others – especially those in construction and delivery – had to cut their shifts short due to exhaustion or illness. Sagnik, a construction worker, described the struggle:

Sometimes some of our fellow men stop work because of too much heat. We know that if I work until 1:00 PM then the boss will only provide half of the wage, but if I stop working at 11:00 or 12:00 PM then they will not provide anything. If there is a difficult situation, we try to work until 1:00 PM.³⁰

For some, heat-related illness not only shortened their daily shifts, but also reduced the total number of days they worked. For many, including Nabeel, this led to a sharp drop in income:

My income reduces considerably [in the hot season]. Sometimes, I become sick, and I have a fever or a cough – so the total working days also reduce(s).³¹

These losses were devastating for workers already living in poverty and struggling to cover the expenses associated with their basic needs – some of whom reported that, at times, the economic impact of the heat left them without food. Selim, a rickshaw puller, explained:

When the hot temperature happens, we cannot work, so the income is reduced considerably. It eventually makes it more difficult to maintain the household expenditure. So sometimes we cannot eat.³²

At the same time, rising temperatures often brought on additional expenses. Alimullah, an older rickshaw puller, described these challenges:

During the heatwave time, I try to get water in the shop, but the price of water is about two taka per glass. And at a time [when] I drink three to four full glass[es] … it has expenses. And sometimes I feel I [would] like to have saline water, but it has extra expenses. So it is not easy to manage [these] expenses.³³

Many workers described feeling powerless, stuck in a situation in which they were largely aware of the risks, but with no choice but to endure them. Rani, a garment worker, explained this brutal reality:

Actually, the excessive heat, it affects my life and my work. But still, I am just like a machine. I have to work. Just complete the work.³⁴

Labor Rights Abuses as Barriers to Climate Adaptation

CRI’s research found that the adverse effects of high workplace temperatures were often compounded by a litany of labor rights violations, many of which prevented workers from engaging in adaptive behaviors to reduce the impacts of the heat. Specific abuses documented by CRI include low wages and irregular payments, forced and unpaid overtime and lack of breaks, verbal harassment and threats, lack of bathroom access and pressures on workers not to use the toilet, inadequate access to safe drinking water and hydration, lack of heat-specific safety training, denial of medical leave and retaliatory measures for taking leave, child labor, and barriers to unionization. These abuses often left workers with few options to protect themselves from extreme temperatures and ultimately compounded the health and safety risks of the heat.

Low Wages and Irregular Payments

All of the workers CRI interviewed lived in poverty despite working full-time. Some reported earning less than 10,000 taka (about $80 USD) per month, though a living wage in Dhaka is estimated at around 27,900 taka (about $238 USD).³⁵

Wages were particularly low in the informal sector, where no minimum wage standards exist to protect these groups. And although a small wage increase was introduced for garment workers in 2023, CRI interviewed five full-time garment workers who still at times earned less than the national monthly minimum for the sector (12,500 taka, or about $113 USD). The comparative value of garment workers’ meager wages becomes painfully clear when measured against the price of the clothing items they produce. One of the garment workers, Aarit, shared that his supervisor would constantly remind him of this injustice:

The supervisor and [others] in-charge often remind us that these are expensive shirts … They even tell us that the price of one shirt is equivalent to your one-month salary, so we must be extremely attentive.³⁶

Aarit also explained how “irregularities in salary payments” often compound the harms of low wages and remain a “major problem for workers.”³⁷

Forced Overtime and Lack of Breaks

Almost all of the workers CRI interviewed worked six to seven days per week, and many regularly worked 10 to 12 hour days. Some workers recalled shifts lasting up to 14 hours.

In addition to the long hours and grueling work, many workers – those in the construction and garment industries, in particular – reported that they were generally allowed only limited breaks.³⁸ Even as temperatures rose to extreme levels, or if days went on longer than usual, additional rest periods were rarely permitted. As one garment worker put it, “Even if it is really hot conditions, we cannot take any break.”³⁹

Raina, who was pregnant at the time, described the rigid break policies:

There is no special break. The breaktime is the lunch period, and that breaktime is only one hour. And if the work continues after 5pm, there is no [additional] break. But sometimes when my work is completed, then I can take a little break, and I can go to the toilet. So that’s it. Even when I work for 14 hours, there is no other break.⁴⁰

Verbal Harassment and Threats

For some, even attempting to rest resulted in reprimands, verbal harassment, and threats. Workers across all three industries shared stories of being yelled at, sworn at, and insulted. Soma, a garment worker, explained:

I cannot work because I feel exhausted. Last May, I often sat down on the floor, but there is a security camera, and the managers watched. They objected [to] my situation.⁴¹

Aanya, a young female construction worker, mentioned that her contractor would become very angry and scold her when she tried to take breaks in the heat. She elaborated that he had, on at least one occasion, become so angry that he threatened to break into her home.⁴²

Others, like Azizul, a construction worker, faced direct threats of lost wages if they paused their work:

Our supervisor, he only pushes to complete the work. Sometimes we will request for a longer break. Immediately he says that if you do not work, we cannot pay you.⁴³

Some workers told CRI that these experiences felt demeaning. Khan, a garment worker in Mirpur, shared:

The bad behavior is like sometimes they use a bad word. “Why [do] you take a day off? Who will complete your task?” And so many other words which is very demeaning. And sometimes I feel disrespected. So that’s the thing. But at the same time, I feel that if I take a day off then my income will be reduced. So then I decide even if I am feeling very bad in my health, then I continue the work.⁴⁴

Multiple workers further noted that when they became sick from the heat, their requests for time off were met with taunts and insults. Kaavi, a young delivery worker, shared that this kind of “bad behavior is normal, actually.”⁴⁵

Lack of Access to Toilets and Restrictions on Usage

For many workers, particularly those in construction and transportation, access to toilets was a persistent challenge. Most of these workers told CRI that their worksites lacked designated bathrooms, forcing them to seek alternatives. Some were forced to urinate in the streets, use their limited income to pay for public restroom access, forego income to return home to use the washroom, or knock on the doors of private houses and ask to use their facilities, where some households refused their requests.

Multiple workers described the stress and pain they felt trying to hold in their urine, while others shared that knocking on doors was not always safe and sometimes brought on feelings of fear, particularly for women workers:

For male workers, it is not a problem. But sometimes it is not always safe for female workers.⁴⁶

I can go to the bathroom, but sometimes I feel fear. If … something happens, then that type of fear affects me.⁴⁷

Of workers that did have toilets at their worksites, some reported informal restrictions on bathroom usage. A garment worker explained:

If I go to the toilet every hour, then it’s not allowed, there is a kind of restriction.⁴⁸

Inadequate Access to Water and Hydration

These types of limitations surrounding bathroom access on the job, particularly when combined with unrelenting workplace pressures, led some workers to restrict their intake of water. Mishti, a garment worker, explained:

I drink two to three times during the day and make sure to drink enough water when I return for lunch. However, it’s still not enough. I actually avoid drinking more water because of the workload. If I drink too much, I’ll need to use the washroom, which takes time. But I have to complete 150 pieces of work within an hour.⁴⁹

Others described that they simply did not have time to drink water while working:

I do not drink enough water at work … because of the work, we cannot get break time.⁵⁰

Still others shared that they did not have access to safe drinking water at their worksites:

Factory workers are bringing the water from their home. Many workers believe that the factory water is not safe. ⁵¹

As a result, CRI found that workers were not able to hydrate properly on the job. Many workers mentioned experiencing dehydration, which is particularly dangerous in hot conditions where workers are sweating, and can significantly increase the risks of experiencing heat-related illnesses. Several workers reported experiencing repeated urinary tract infections (UTIs) due to chronic dehydration.

Risky Work with No Protection

Nearly all of the workers interviewed for this report said they had not received formal training about how to protect themselves from the heat at work. Some even reported engaging in behaviors they believed might help support them in the heat, like drinking soda, when really these beverages risk having a dehydrating effect and have been linked to acute kidney injury when consumed after exercise in the heat.⁵²

Most of the workers interviewed by CRI also did not have access to medical care in the workplace, and some were actively refused care. As one construction worker, Diya, put it:

They just strictly say if you are not willing to work, you can go home. There is no medical support.⁵³

For many, the cost of seeking health care independently was prohibitive. Kibria, a rickshaw puller, explained:

One day my eyes could not see anything. My head spins and I sit down immediately, and then I had to take a rest for half an hour… I didn’t go to any doctor. I just take rest. I don’t have enough money. That’s why I didn’t go to the doctor.⁵⁴

Others explained that they were unable to take medical leave when they fell ill in the heat, some citing fear of missing work as a barrier to seeking care. For others, taking medical leave would mean foregoing daily wages – because paid leave is not provided for in the informal sector and often not enforced across the garment sector – and this was a price many could not afford. Azizul, a construction worker, shared:

Once my head spin and I fall down, and my fellow worker took me to the shade, and they put water on my face, and I just become okay, and I immediately told my contactor that I wanted to go home, and he said if you go home you will not be paid, and you should take a break and drink water and then you should work a little bit. So I stayed at work.⁵⁵

Retaliatory Measures

CRI interviewed one garment worker, Zahir, who shared that he was fired after taking medical leave:

In [the] excessive heat, I became sick, and I took almost ten days off. So when I become a little [better], recover from my sickness, then I went back to my factory. And in the beginning, they refuse to take me back.⁵⁶

Fortunately, Zahir was eventually able to get his job back after making multiple requests to the factory and getting his family involved.⁵⁷But for others, this is not always the case. Even still, these types of incidents can have a chilling effect, and CRI documented repeated comments about fears of retaliation. Tasmiah, for example, explained that for this reason, she and her colleagues would not tell their boss about their suffering in the heat:

Workers … never share with the factory management, because most of the workers are afraid if anybody is sick [from] the extreme heat then they may lose their job.⁵⁸

Heat and Pregnancy

Pregnant women and their fetuses are uniquely vulnerable to the impacts of heat, in part because heat exposure during pregnancy has been linked to a range of adverse health outcomes, including stillbirth, preterm birth, congenital anomalies, and severe maternal health complications.⁵⁹Raina, a 40-year-old textile worker who was six months pregnant at the time of the interview, shared her experience:

Even [during] my pregnancy, there is no workload change. I have to accept everything. Still I suffer [in the heat], but I have to do my work … When I was not pregnant, I have to face the same difficulties in the hot situation. But now I am pregnant and I feel it is almost double difficulties now.⁶⁰

Raina also reported that she needed to use the bathroom more frequently in pregnancy and that she experienced repeated urinary tract infections in the heat.⁶¹UTIs can be particularly dangerous during pregnancy because they are linked to adverse birth outcomes, including preterm birth and low birth weight.⁶²

Additionally, Raina shared that she felt both hungrier and thirstier during pregnancy and in the heat, which made her work more difficult.⁶³ Laiba, a 32-year-old woman who was seven months pregnant at the time of the interview, similarly mentioned her workload:

I am pregnant, and I feel more hot. Also there is a workload and I must complete my quota. My feelings are very difficult… There is no difference in my work before pregnancy and after pregnancy. [It is] the same type of work and the workload is too much.

The Role of Unions

Unions have a critical role to play in protecting the health and safety of workers, including from climate-and heat-related hazards. Emerging findings from researchers in Cambodia suggest that unionized workers experience less heat stress compared to their non-unionized counterparts, highlighting the importance of collective bargaining and social dialogue in climate action.⁶⁴

The large majority of workers interviewed by CRI, however, did not participate in unions. For some workers in Dhaka, the risks of unionization are simply too high. Labor unions in Bangladesh have historically played a key role in organizing protests calling on the government to increase the minimum wage for workers. These protests continue to fuel tensions between unions, employers, and the government. Aaron, an experienced garment worker, explained:

I am not a member of our factory workers’ union. The factory management has already fired several workers for participating in protests. I am a poor man, and I cannot afford to lose my job. That is why I have not joined the workers’ union and attended any protest meetings.⁶⁵

Adaptation Efforts

Despite the many obstacles they faced, workers did what they could to protect themselves from the heat. Workers reported that, where possible, they drank additional water or consumed saline or sharbat (a mix of lemon, sugar, and water) to stay hydrated, ate small snacks to increase energy, wore lighter clothing, washed their hands and faces, or doused themselves or their clothing with water. In addition to these strategies, some outdoor workers reported that they would rest under trees or in the shade, where possible. A small number of workers said they would sometimes change their working hours to avoid peak heat conditions, though this was not an option for others.

Many workers mentioned that these measures were simply not enough. Workers repeatedly reported that they were not able to drink enough water or take enough rest due to workplace restrictions or financial constraints, and that the water or rest they were able to take was not helping them cool down.

Notably, none of the workers interviewed for this report lived or worked in air-conditioned environments. And many workers felt that the cooling systems they did have on the job – windows and fans – felt inadequate in the heat and high humidity:

I have very little air on me, so I feel really bad. So, it is not only for me, some other workers who are just standing close to the wall, there is also inadequate air facility.⁶⁶

Some said they had requested additional fans, but were instead told to pray for better conditions:

We tell the authority [that the fans are] inadequate, but they do not install additional fan[s]. Rather, our authority tell[s] us that you should pray to Allah for better weather.⁶⁷

Others shared that the cooling devices they did have were sometimes turned off because of the associated costs:

[Sometimes my factory] turns off the exhaust fan because the electric bill is high.⁶⁸

Policy Gaps and Future Outlook

Bangladeshi labor law does little to stop these abuses. Though the domestic legal framework includes a number of regulations intended to protect worker health and safety, existing protections are often unevenly enforced and do not yet fully account for the growing threat of extreme heat. Critically, current policies fail to adequately protect the informal sector, which accounts for roughly 85 percent of the national workforce.⁶⁹

Climate Rights International spoke with Md. Towhidur Rahman, President of the Bangladesh Apparel Workers Federation, who described some of these challenges: “In Bangladesh, we have commitments, we have protective policies for [formal sector] workers. But in practice, it’s not happening. Accountability is not happening.”⁷⁰

Yet in the wake of the August 2024 deposition of the Awami League government of Sheikh Hasina, who stands accused of atrocity crimes, there is a “renewed sense of hope” and strong public demand for reform.⁷¹As the country now marches toward an inflection point, with national elections on the horizon – and as temperatures in the region continue to rise – the moment presents a critical opportunity to take worker safety more seriously and to embed protection measures for these groups into the next phase of national rebuilding efforts.

The current administration, led by Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus, is already showing promise in this respect and is taking steps to improve and expand labor protections, though these measures could be enhanced with the explicit incorporation of climate-and heat-specific programming and adaptation measures for workers. Still, while these efforts may indicate a changing tide in Bangladesh, their success will require broader buy-in and cooperation on behalf of a wide range of stakeholders, including corporations, employers and suppliers, international institutions, other relevant government agencies, and, importantly, workers themselves.

Critically, the feasibility and success of widespread heat adaptation efforts in Dhaka will require increased financial support from the international community, in particular from the high-income countries most responsible for climate change. This reality is widely recognized by local labor rights leaders, including Md. Towhidur Rahman, President of the Bangladesh Apparel Workers Federation, who articulated a timely call-to-action:

We hope that the international community, including governments and companies, will step forward on climate change and provide assistance to support Dhaka’s workers.⁷²

Key Recommendations

To the government:

Strengthen legal protections for occupational health and safety in the context of climate change, including by establishing a national standard for heat management in the workplace.
- Mandate work-to-rest ratios based on real-time environmental conditions, including acclimatization protocols for new workers to adapt to extreme heat, stop-work temperature thresholds, and additional flexibility for workers to shift working hours to avoid working in peak heat conditions;
- Establish return-to-work protocols following heat-related injury or illness;
- Ensure access to safe and clean drinking water and toilets;
- Require heat-specific safety training for employers, workers, and health care providers about heat-related illness prevention, early detection, and emergency response; and
- Enact explicit protections to ensure that workers are not penalized for taking additional breaks for rest or hydration, or other adaptive measures, in hot conditions, and develop and enforce explicit protections against employer retaliation for workers complying with heat standards or reporting unsafe conditions.
Expand and ensure protections for vulnerable workers, including informal sector workers and self-employed workers.
Strengthen labor law enforcement via meaningful penalties for non-compliance.
Develop a Heat Action Plan and heat early warning system to provide actionable, accessible, and real-time updates to workers and other at-risk groups.
Appoint a Chief Heat Officer to coordinate heat-related policies, worker protections, and compliance efforts across government agencies and with other relevant stakeholders; and ensure worker representation in heat-management and response efforts.
Address the financial risks of occupational heat exposure, including by ensuring all workers are paid a living wage and by expanding the development of and access to climate-specific financial relief programs.
Invest in climate-resilient urban infrastructure like green spaces, green roofs, public cooling shelters, and drinking water facilities.
Develop a national strategic framework to guide a just climate transition.

To employers:

Adapt workplaces to reduce heat exposure and related risks, including by improving ventilation and/or access to shade, and ensuring unrestricted access to free, clean drinking water and safe toilet facilities within a reasonable distance from the worksite;
Mandate heat-specific training programs for all employees to improve knowledge of illness prevention, early detection, and emergency response; and
Ensure additional accommodations for workers at increased heat-related risk, including pregnant workers, those working with hot machines or devices, and those wearing heavy, multi-layered clothing or personal protective equipment.

To companies and brands:

Establish and enforce minimum workplace heat safety standards for all suppliers;
Conduct comprehensive supply chain due diligence to identify and mitigate heat-related human rights risks;
Ensure fair wages so that workers are not forced to work excessive overtime and/or in dangerous heat conditions;

Promote responsible purchasing practices to reduce heat-related risks; and
Adopt voluntary, binding agreements to improve worker health and safety across supply chains, such as the International Accord for Health and Safety in the Textile and Garment Industry.

For foreign governments and multilateral institutions:

Strengthen legal frameworks on corporate accountability to hold brands and corporations responsible for climate and human rights abuses across their supply chains; and
Support the inclusion of heat standards in the forthcoming International Labour Organization guidelines for gig workers; and
Increase climate financing for heat adaptation in low- and middle-income countries, including by increasing financial support from high-income countries.

Methodology

This report is based on information collected during field research in Dhaka, Bangladesh between May 2024 and May 2025. In collaboration with the Global Environmental Health Solutions Laboratory at the University of California, Berkeley, Climate Rights International interviewed 64 people, including 54 workers across three key industries: garment, construction, and transportation, with a focus on delivery and rickshaw workers. We also spoke with local experts in labor rights, environmental policy, and public health, including trade union leaders and the former Chief Heat Officer of Dhaka City North, and conducted an extensive review of the academic literature.

CRI used a modified version of the HOTHAPS (High Occupational Temperature Health and Productivity Suppression) Research Protocol for qualitative studies (Component 3) to collect information about heat impacts on workers, current adaptation measures, barriers to further adaptation, and worker suggestions and needs as they relate to future heat management.⁷³The interview guide was reviewed by and refined in collaboration with local researchers in the fields of climate, labor, and health prior to use. Project design was supported by Dr. Rohini Haar, an emergency physician with expertise in health and human rights, including in South Asia.

Interviewees were identified with the support of Global Worker Dialogue – an international NGO that works to establish direct, trusted, and independent channels of communication with workers in global value chains in developing countries. Interviews were conducted on a voluntary basis. All participants provided verbal consent prior to the start of each interview. Participants were free to decline to answer specific questions and to stop the interview at any time. Interviews were conducted primarily in Bangla with the support of a trusted interpreter. In an effort to protect against retaliation, workers are referred to using pseudonyms throughout the report. Workers were compensated for their time and reimbursed for travel expenses; each worker was paid 400 taka (USD$3.40 as of July 2024) for showing up to the interview.

All interviews with workers were audio recorded and later transcribed to maintain the accuracy of the information shared. Data were analyzed using Dedoose (Version 9.3.33) qualitative software. All interviews were coded separately and in duplicate. Any discrepancies were discussed in groups.

I. Climate Change and Rising Temperatures

The world is hotter than ever before, and getting hotter. Temperatures throughout 2023 repeatedly exceeded global benchmarks – and 2024, now the hottest year on record, was even warmer.⁷⁴The past ten years are officially the ten warmest in recorded history.⁷⁵ In 2024, for the first time, the global mean temperature in a single year surpassed the pre-industrial average by 1.5°C – the internationally agreed-upon threshold heeded by scientists as critical to avoid the most severe impacts of climate change.⁷⁶ The United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the authoritative body on climate science, has consistently indicated with high confidence that anthropogenic climate change is the primary driver of rising global averages in recent history.⁷⁷

In addition to increasing average temperatures, heatwaves, or prolonged periods of high temperatures outside the relative norm of a specific location, are becoming both more frequent and more intense across most land regions.⁷⁸ Human-driven climate change is similarly amplifying these events, making them both deadlier and more damaging.

These changes are ushering in a new era of escalating human rights emergencies, in which rising temperatures and resulting impacts are both creating new challenges and exacerbating existing inequalities.⁷⁹ As global temperatures continue to rise – fueled by record greenhouse gas emissions, widespread deforestation, and periodic El Niño events – those least responsible and least protected will bear the most significant burdens.⁸⁰ Workers, especially those in vulnerable sectors and in developing countries, are on the frontlines of this crisis.

Extreme Heat and Human Health

Extreme heat, driven in large part by climate change, is an urgent and growing threat to human health.⁸¹ High temperatures are already causing illness and death worldwide, and these impacts are projected to increase.⁸²

Maintaining a core body temperature of around 37°C (98.6°F) is necessary for the human body to function normally.⁸³When we get too hot, blood vessels near our skin expand in order to increase blood flow to the surface and release excess heat. In combination with sweating, this response helps to move heat away from our core. This process, though, can strain the cardiovascular system by forcing the heart to work harder to maintain circulation. To keep up, blood flow is sometimes diverted away from important organs like the brain, kidneys, and liver, which can potentially lead to dizziness, organ stress, and illness.⁸⁴In pregnancy, this process may restrict blood flow to the uterus and/or the placenta, which may result in adverse birth outcomes.⁸⁵

Continued exposure to extreme heat can lead to a broad array of adverse health effects, including dehydration, headache, fatigue, fainting, electrolyte imbalances, diarrhea and stomach pain, muscle cramping and swelling, respiratory problems, and potentially fatal heat stroke.⁸⁶

Dehydration from excessive heat can be dangerous for many of our vital organs, and, in particular, our kidneys. When the body is dehydrated, the brain sends a signal to reduce blood circulation to the kidneys in order to avoid losing fluid through urination. However, when their blood supply is reduced, the kidneys become deprived of oxygen and kidney cells are damaged. This can cause acute kidney disease or, in extreme cases, kidney failure.⁸⁷

Hotter-than-average temperatures can also aggravate chronic conditions, including cardiovascular, respiratory, kidney, and diabetes-related diseases.⁸⁸Ambient heat exposure increases death rates in 90 percent of the world’s leading causes of death, including some types of heart disease, stroke, COPD, lower respiratory infections, Alzheimer’s disease and other dementias, lung cancers, diabetes, and diarrheal disease.⁸⁹And although heat-related injuries and illnesses are largely undiagnosed and underreported worldwide, studies show a significant increase in the risk of both hospitalization and death when patients with chronic diseases are exposed to excessive temperatures.⁹⁰

The amount of heat stress experienced by a person depends on a variety of factors, including the temperature, humidity, and air flow of a person’s environment, as well as the amount of direct sunlight exposure they experience, their metabolism, and the amount of clothing they wear.⁹¹These factors may vary greatly person to person and place to place.

Humidity, in particular, can compound the health risks of heat by compromising the body’s ability to regulate temperature by sweating. Sweating cools the body by releasing heat through evaporation, but as humidity increases and the air becomes more saturated with moisture, it becomes more difficult for sweat to evaporate off the skin. And when sweat can’t evaporate, the body can’t cool itself.

High nighttime temperatures can further exacerbate the risks of extreme heat by preventing the body from recovering overnight. When temperatures stay elevated through the evening, so too does the body’s core temperature, which leaves the heart and other key organs under continued stress.⁹²Hot nights can also disrupt sleep patterns, causing sleep deprivation, which can further increase the risk of illness and death.⁹³

Extreme heat also takes a toll on mental health.⁹⁴ High ambient temperatures not only fuel feelings of irritability, anger, and distress, but may also exacerbate mental illnesses, such as anxiety, schizophrenia, and depression – and increase the risk of suicide.⁹⁵

In addition to the more direct impacts of heat exposure, high temperatures can also negatively impact and alter human behavior. Health research increasingly shows a correlation between high temperatures and increased instances of interpersonal violence, including both physical and sexual assaults.⁹⁶Furthermore, studies suggest a rise in online hate speech during heatwaves.⁹⁷

Vulnerability to heat is determined by both physiological factors, like age and health status, and social determinants, like occupational and socioeconomic conditions.⁹⁸Those most at risk include children, pregnant people, older people, people with disabilities, outdoor workers and indoor workers without access to cooling, incarcerated people, people living in poverty, and other marginalized groups.⁹⁹

Importantly, the health impacts of heat are predictable and – according to the World Health Organization – largely preventable via specific public health policies and multi-sectoral interventions.¹⁰⁰

Worker Vulnerability to Heat

The impacts of heat are especially concerning for certain groups of already marginalized workers – particularly those who perform physical labor outdoors or work indoors without adequate cooling systems – because they may be exposed to high temperatures for longer periods of time than the general population.¹⁰¹These workers face not only the acute health risks of heat exposure, but also long-term consequences, such as chronic kidney disease and other serious health conditions. The risks of high heat exposure for workers may be further compounded by workplace conditions and policies that limit behavioral changes that can reduce body temperature, for example taking short breaks or reducing work intensity.¹⁰²

Increasing daily temperatures and the rising frequency and severity of heatwaves are together already having serious impacts on the safety and health of workers in all regions of the globe.¹⁰³A recent analysis of 30 countries found that almost one in three workers exposed to heat stress on the job experienced negative health effects.¹⁰⁴

Occupational heat exposure also poses indirect risks, as high ambient temperatures can significantly raise the risk of workplace injuries and accidents.¹⁰⁵ High temperatures can fuel feelings of irritation, anger, and emotional stress; increase sweating on the hands and face; fog up glasses and goggles; cause workers to remove protective gear; and overheat equipment, all of which can increase the risk of workplace accidents.¹⁰⁶Moreover, poorly designed personal protective equipment (PPE) can add to heat stress, which can cause some workers to remove protective gear, in turn increasing their vulnerability to injuries.¹⁰⁷A recent meta-analysis of 22 million occupational injuries found that injuries increased by one percent for every 1°C increase in temperature above relative thresholds; during heatwaves, injuries spiked by 17.4 percent.¹⁰⁸

Though there exists widespread underreporting of heat illness in the workplace, recent research by the International Labor Organization (ILO) estimates that at least 2.41 billion workers – more than 70 percent of the global workforce – are exposed to excessive heat on the job each year.¹⁰⁹These exposures result in millions of occupational injuries and thousands of deaths annually.¹¹⁰Notably, the large majority of occupational injuries linked to excessive heat exposure occur outside of a heatwave, underscoring the chronic risks associated with workplace heat exposure.¹¹¹

Occupational heat exposure can also reduce work capacity and productivity, in turn compounding the health and economic risks faced by workers.¹¹²In 2022, for example, heat exposure resulted in a loss of 490 billion potential labor hours worldwide, meaning each worker in the world lost an average of 143 potential hours of labor capacity.¹¹³Over 1.3 billion workers, equal to 39 percent of the global workforce, experienced losses greater than that, the large majority of whom work in low- and middle-income countries.¹¹⁴ Evidence suggests that exposure to heat and associated productivity losses may increase rights-related harms experienced on the job, such as harassment, abuse, and restrictions surrounding sanitation rights, including bathroom access.¹¹⁵

Extreme heat affects both indoor and outdoor workers.¹¹⁶Outdoor workers who do physical labor on the job – like construction laborers and delivery riders – and those who work indoors without air conditioning or appropriate ventilation – like some manufacturing workers – are among those at high risk of heat-related injury and illness.¹¹⁷Without adequate protection, these workers will continue to experience increased vulnerability to heat-related illness and related long-term health complications.

Workers in low-resource settings, in particular, will experience the worst of the growing extreme heat crisis, as high ambient temperatures, limited access to cooling, and strenuous physical labor continue to make heat stress increasingly difficult to avoid. And because workers in these regions often lack the financial, social, and political resources necessary to mitigate the effects of heat, the risks will be even more severe.¹¹⁸These dynamics are particularly pronounced in Asia, where almost three-quarters of the workforce is regularly exposed to excessive heat at work.¹¹⁹

As the world wades deeper into the climate emergency, the frequency and intensity of heat-related hazards will only continue to increase, further endangering the health, safety, and livelihoods of billions of workers.

II. Climate Change and Workforce Vulnerability in Bangladesh

The challenges brought on by workplace heat exposure will be particularly pronounced in South Asia – which is projected to experience some of the highest increases in average annual temperatures throughout the century – and in particular, in Bangladesh, which is among the “Critical 9” countries with the largest number of people at high heat-related risk.¹²⁰

Bangladesh is a small but populous country located between India and Myanmar on the Bay of Bengal. Though the country contributes to just 0.47 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions, Bangladesh faces severe climate challenges, including salinization and sea level rise, flooding and displacement, and rapid warming.¹²¹By some accounts, Bangladesh is the seventh most climate-vulnerable nation in the world.¹²²

The country’s hot, humid, and tropical climate renders it a “global hotspot for heat extremes,” where rising temperatures and widespread heat stress are widely recognized as some of the region’s main vulnerabilities to climate change.¹²³In recent years, Bangladesh has experienced an increasing frequency of heatwaves and record-high temperatures, with the average heat index rising by 4.5°C (8.1°F) since 1980.¹²⁴And despite being widely-underreported, heat-related deaths across the country increased by 20 percent between 1989 and 2011.¹²⁵ Even if preventative mitigation efforts are implemented in line with the Paris Agreement, annual average temperatures in Bangladesh are projected to rise by 1.0°C to 1.5°C by 2050.¹²⁶

Figure 1. Source: World Bank. An Unsustainable Life: Impacts of Extreme Heat on Health and Productivity in Bangladesh. July 2024, documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/099111024033034518/pdf/P168901-70ed6ce2-aaea-42b2-afab-8484b7b75125.pdf.

The risks of extreme heat in Bangladesh are exacerbated by the country’s high-humidity climate, labor-intensive economy, and limited financial capacity for adaptation, all of which heighten worker vulnerability to heat stress.¹²⁷ As a result, Bangladesh’s workforce is projected to suffer some of the highest damages due to future warming.¹²⁸And these damages have already begun to take shape: in 2020, an estimated 70 million workers in Bangladesh were exposed to excessive heat on the job, representing a 51 percent increase in the number of exposed workers over the last twenty years.¹²⁹Also as of 2020, heat-related labor losses in Bangladesh were already over two-and-a-half times the global average.¹³⁰Without the adoption of adequate adaptation measures, Bangladesh is projected to lose 4.84 percent of working hours by 2030 due to heat stress: the equivalent of 3.8 million full-time jobs.¹³¹By 2050, South Asia as a whole could face a 20 percent reduction in annual working hours due to extreme heat.¹³²

Figure 2. Source: World Bank. An Unsustainable Life: Impacts of Extreme Heat on Health and Productivity in Bangladesh. July 2024. World Bank, https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/099111024033034518/pdf/P168901-70ed6ce2-aaea-42b2-afab-8484b7b75125.pdf.

Dhaka, the capital, is uniquely vulnerable to heat-related impacts. The megacity, which is home to over 23 million people, experiences even greater levels of warming compared to the national average, due in part to the urban heat island effect, a phenomenon in which areas with high population density and limited green space absorb heat and become “islands” of higher temperature relative to the surrounding area. Researchers have documented large and widespread hotspots within Dhaka that are more than 10°C (18°F) warmer than the outlying countryside.¹³³Extreme heat and humidity in Dhaka are already reported to cause labor productivity losses greater than eight percent of annual output.¹³⁴One analysis projected that these losses are expected to reach ten percent by 2050 – the highest of any city included in the study.¹³⁵Experts suggest that these losses could compromise efforts to reduce poverty and ultimately hinder Bangladesh’s achievement of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.¹³⁶

In addition to the immediate risks heat poses to workers, climate change is also driving broader disruptions in Bangladesh: notably, large-scale rural-urban migration that is reshaping the country’s urban labor markets.¹³⁷Himalayan glacier melt is overloading river systems in Bangladesh, causing flooding and waterlogging across more than half of the country’s land mass.¹³⁸In addition, rising sea levels in the region have left coastal areas susceptible to flooding and salinization, which can interfere with agricultural outputs and limit economic opportunities. By 2050, Bangladesh is projected to lose 17 percent of its land due to rising sea levels caused by climate change, and almost one-third of its agricultural area.¹³⁹This reality is forcing people living in coastal villages to migrate inland.

Figure 3. World Bank Group. Climate Risk Country Profile: Bangladesh. 2024. Climate Change Knowledge Portal, climateknowledgeportal.worldbank.org/sites/default/files/country-profiles/16813-WB_Bangladesh%20Country%20Profile-WEB.pdf.

Domestic migration in Bangladesh, including by internally displaced climate migrants, is driving rapid urbanization. Over 90 percent of the internal migrant population to date has been absorbed by the country’s cities.¹⁴⁰This unchecked growth is outpacing health and housing infrastructure development, increasing competition for jobs and resources, and creating a broad array of compounding challenges.¹⁴¹Among them, the influx of displaced workers contributes to an excess of labor that “drives down wages and weakens bargaining power, exacerbating existing labor rights challenges.”¹⁴²

These challenges are expected to become more severe over time. According to some estimates, one in every seven Bangladeshis (about 13.3 million people) may be displaced due to climate change by mid-century, and other estimates are even higher.¹⁴³Rising temperatures will only compound these problems by further straining urban labor markets, making already bad working conditions even worse, and ultimately increasing the vulnerabilities of Bangladesh’s most marginalized workers.

Industries at Risk

Certain industries face greater risks from climate change than others. Sectors such as agriculture, construction, manufacturing, tourism, and transportation are particularly vulnerable to occupational heat impacts.¹⁴⁴To examine the diverse and ongoing effects of heat on urban workers in Bangladesh, this report focuses on three key industries integral to Dhaka’s economy – manufacturing, construction, and transportation – each of which experiences heat-related challenges in distinct ways.

Figure 4. Hot Cities, Chilled Economies: Impacts of Extreme Heat on Global Cities: Dhaka, Bangladesh, Adrienne Arsht‑Rockefeller Foundation Resilience Center, in collaboration with Vivid Economics, 2022. One Billion Resilient, onebillionresilient.org/hot‑cities‑chilled‑economies‑dhaka/.

All three of the industries discussed below include a significant population of either internal migrant workers or women workers, both of which already face heightened occupational health and safety risks. A 2025 study by the International Institute for Environment and Development, for example, found that over 90 percent of internal migrants in Bangladesh experience at least one form of modern slavery.¹⁴⁵ Migrant laborers also tend to have lower levels of educational attainment and weaker social and financial support systems that may limit their ability to receive heat safety information and/or engage in adaptive behaviors. Women workers in Bangladesh face similar risks, as they are more likely to face discrimination and harassment on the job compared to their male counterparts.¹⁴⁶ Women in Bangladesh also earn, on average, less than men, and are underrepresented in decision-making roles in the workplace.¹⁴⁷Moreover, some research indicates that women workers in Bangladesh are less aware of their rights in the workplace, highlighting a critical barrier to remedy.¹⁴⁸There is evidence to suggest that these vulnerabilities may be further exacerbated by heat stress, which can compound existing workplace challenges, including those brought on by power imbalances and limited access to resources.¹⁴⁹

Heat Risk in the Garment Industry

Indoor workers who work in hot climates without effective cooling systems are at high risk of heat-related injury and illness, as high indoor temperatures can negatively affect human health.¹⁵⁰Among indoor workers, manufacturing workers, in particular, are known to be at increased risk of heat-related impacts.¹⁵¹

In Bangladesh, the manufacturing industry is dominated by the production of ready-made-garments (RMG), or mass-produced clothing. Some four million garment workers across a few thousand factories produce clothes that are then sold on the global market – primarily to buyers in Europe and North America – helping to generate 80 percent of the country’s annual export earnings, equivalent to over $40 billion USD.¹⁵²

A majority of workers in the garment sector are women under the age of 30 and/or internal migrant workers, and most have less than the equivalent of a middle school education.¹⁵³ As discussed above, these groups are particularly vulnerable to occupational health and safety risks, including labor rights abuses. In the textile industry, in particular, recent research by ActionAid found that 80 percent of garment workers in Bangladesh have either seen or directly experienced sexual violence or harassment in the workplace.¹⁵⁴And previous investigations conducted by the War on Want found that female workers were more likely to be cheated on overtime pay than their male counterparts, including because female workers are seen as more docile and less ready to protest.¹⁵⁵

These pre-existing vulnerabilities are particularly concerning given the garment industry’s long history of unfair treatment and unsafe conditions in Bangladesh. Garment workers in Dhaka often work in poorly ventilated factories and rarely have access to air conditioning, leaving them vulnerable to high ambient temperatures.¹⁵⁶ Data suggests that manufacturers in the garment sector are already struggling to effectively control the heat at work, as researchers have documented temperatures in garment factories as high as 38°C (100.4 °F) during peak production hours.¹⁵⁷ Occupational heat stress in the garment sector adversely impacts workers’ health and wellbeing, threatens worker productivity, and increases the likelihood of workplace harassment and injury.¹⁵⁸In addition to serious health risks, occupational heat exposure in the garment sector has been linked to increased absences, productivity losses, employment insecurity, and income loss.¹⁵⁹

Despite these known risks, Bangladesh’s National Adaptation Plan of Action (2023 – 2050) claims that the apparel industry is only “low to moderately vulnerable” to climate change and heat stress, and does not advance any adaptation measures aimed at apparel workers.¹⁶⁰

Heat Risk in the Construction Industry

As climate change progresses, heat stress poses a serious threat to the health of construction workers worldwide.¹⁶¹Already, the construction industry consistently reports higher fatality rates related to heat stress compared to other industries, in part due to the physically demanding work typical of industry, in combination with outdoor conditions that can increase exposure to high temperatures.¹⁶²In many regions, these dangers are further compounded by weak workplace safety regulations and poor enforcement.¹⁶³

The multi-billion-dollar construction industry in Bangladesh is notorious for its hazardous working conditions. Construction workers in and around Dhaka report dissatisfaction with their hours and allowed leave, payment, accommodations, access to water and sanitation, and health safety and security.¹⁶⁴Construction workers in Dhaka also suffer frequent injuries and accidents.¹⁶⁵According to one estimate, though construction in Bangladesh employs just over four percent of the population, the industry is responsible for roughly 16 percent of all occupational deaths.¹⁶⁶

A substantial portion of the millions of construction workers in Bangladesh are internal migrants and, notably, women – two groups already facing heightened occupational health and safety risks, as described above.¹⁶⁷According to one survey, many construction workers in Bangladesh are unaware of their legal rights, making them less likely to advocate for fair treatment or safe working conditions.¹⁶⁸ Additionally, most construction workers are not protected under the Bangladesh Labour Act – one of the country’s primary employment laws – as it applies only to the formal sector, and large parts of the construction sector, including day labor and contract work, are classified as informal work.¹⁶⁹

Heat Risk in the Transportation Industry

Like construction workers, transportation workers are highly vulnerable to heat stress as a result of their long outdoor workdays and often minimal access to shade and/or air conditioning.¹⁷⁰ This report focuses on two specific types of transportation workers critical to Dhaka’s economy: rickshaw pullers and food delivery workers. In Dhaka, many of these workers use vehicles without motors, like bikes and wagons, that require them to regularly transport heavy weights using their own strength, frequently during peak heat hours. Climate Rights International purposefully interviewed only transport workers who rely on manpower to conduct their work, such as pedal-powered rickshaw pullers, and excluded workers who drive gas or electrically powered vehicles, like autorickshaw drivers.

Rickshaw travel is the most popular mode of transport across Bangladesh, with over 2.2 million rickshaw pullers in Dhaka alone.¹⁷¹Most rickshaw pullers are poor and unskilled rural migrants who come to Dhaka in search of better economic opportunities. The large majority of rickshaw pullers are uneducated; most are illiterate.¹⁷²Rickshaw pullers in the city are usually self-employed and typically work under rental agreements with rickshaw garage owners who claim a portion of their daily earnings (usually around 150 to 200 taka daily). Many live in overcrowded conditions, with an average of 17 workers sharing a single room, or in small, one-room homes with their families.¹⁷³Rickshaw pulling is a “vital part of Dhaka’s economy and transport system” – providing affordable, non-polluting transport options to millions of people across the city.¹⁷⁴Yet these workers often face systemic disregard for their rights and livelihoods, including by the local government, which has repeatedly banned rickshaws from traveling on certain roads in an attempt to improve traffic flow and phase them out.¹⁷⁵

The unique challenges faced by rickshaw pullers – such as intense physical exertion and comparatively higher exposure to heat and environmental pollutants, including air pollution, which worsens in the heat – leave them vulnerable to a broad array of heat-related health risks detrimental to both physical and psychological well-being.¹⁷⁶ Recent studies of rickshaw pullers in Dhaka have found that extreme heat is associated with poorer health outcomes, adverse cardiovascular effects, declining attention levels, and decreases in the relative power of brainwaves.¹⁷⁷

Like rickshaw pulling, food delivery work in Bangladesh is similarly characterized by high susceptibility to exploitation.¹⁷⁸ Workers in these roles face low wages, job instability, and limited benefits.¹⁷⁹This combination of difficult outdoor labor and economic precarity together increase the heat-related risks faced by gig workers in the food delivery industry.¹⁸⁰

Multiple studies across Asia have illustrated the ways in which gig work positions and contract-based employment can increase climate vulnerability. For example, a recent study in Vietnam called attention to the ways in which gig employment increases climate-related health hazards for app-based delivery riders.¹⁸¹In China, researchers found that as temperatures increase, food delivery orders surge, and that as a result, almost half of the heat exposure avoided by customers during peak heat hours is effectively transferred to delivery couriers.¹⁸² Notably, a separate study concluded that as orders increase in the heat, operational efficiency declines, meaning that any small – and disproportionate – increase in income is fully offset by the simultaneous rise in heat-related health care costs.¹⁸³

Like many construction workers, delivery and rickshaw workers in the transportation industry in Bangladesh are also considered informal workers, and are thus not protected under the Bangladesh Labour Act.¹⁸⁴

III. History of Labor Rights Abuses in Bangladesh

As alluded to above, Bangladesh has a long and well-documented history of labor rights abuses. Millions of workers across the country work in unsafe conditions, earning only poverty wages, while lax enforcement of labor laws and barriers to unionization together weaken worker bargaining power and make it almost impossible for workers to effectively negotiate for better conditions, or higher pay.¹⁸⁵ Workers who speak out against these abuses often face repression, legal barriers, and/or retaliation.¹⁸⁶ These challenges are compounded by the dominance of the informal sector in Bangladesh, as workers in this sector commonly lack formal job contracts, fixed wages, regulated hours, and benefits. The International Trade Union Confederation (IUTC) has repeatedly ranked Bangladesh among the ten worst countries for workers, citing systematic violations and widespread exploitation.¹⁸⁷

In the construction sector, human rights violations are rampant, with frequent reports of workplace accidents, injuries, and employer neglect.¹⁸⁸Rickshaw pullers, too, report arbitrary bans and licensure limitations, extortion and harassment – including by police – illegal toll collections, and lack of legal remedy.¹⁸⁹When workers peacefully protested against these issues in 2022, some were arrested and ultimately jailed.¹⁹⁰Access to justice continues to be a challenge, and trade unions in the country have reportedly on more than one occasion stopped filing unfair labor practice complaints because of the massive backlog of unresolved cases.¹⁹¹

The garment industry, too, is marked by widespread human rights abuses, including worker exploitation, low pay and wage theft, and dangerous factory conditions.¹⁹² Researchers have documented repeated instances of child labor, forced labor, and physical, sexual, and verbal abuse, and some reports suggest that as many as 80 percent of garment workers in Bangladesh have experienced or witnessed some form of sexual harassment in their workplace.¹⁹³

Labor rights abuses against garment workers in Bangladesh gained international attention following the deadly Tazreen Fashion factory fire in 2012, when over one hundred workers died as locked factory exits left them trapped inside the burning building or forced to jump from third- and fourth-story windows.¹⁹⁴ In the wake of this tragedy – just five months later – came the Rana Plaza disaster, in which negligent workplace monitoring and maintenance resulted in the collapse of a building that killed over 1,100 garment workers.¹⁹⁵Though some reforms followed in response, including the International Accord for Health and Safety in the Textile and Garment Industry (formerly the Accord for Fire and Building Safety 2013 – 2018) and the Alliance for Bangladesh Worker Safety, meaningful improvements have been slow and inadequate.¹⁹⁶ Still, garment workers in Bangladesh who advocate for better treatment – including fair wages and safer working conditions – face intimidation, harassment, violence, and other barriers to justice. And more than a decade later, Rana Plaza compensation cases filed against state authorities and local building and factory owners have yet to be resolved.¹⁹⁷

The repression of labor activists in Bangladesh has persisted in recent years, as activists have continued to face violence and, in some instances, death. In June 2023, Shahidul Islam, president of the Bangladesh Garment and Industrial Workers Federation (BGIFW), was beaten to death after attempting to “secure unpaid wages” for workers.¹⁹⁸ Later that year, when country-wide protests broke out over the national minimum wage in October and November, the government responded with unlawful force, including the use of tear gas and shotguns, which resulted in multiple worker deaths.¹⁹⁹These events echoed those of 2016 and 2019, during which failed minimum wage negotiations similarly resulted in mass protests and arbitrary dismissals.²⁰⁰ Since the 2023 protests, at least 35 criminal cases have been filed against garment workers, accusing tens of thousands of participating in the demonstrations. The majority of these cases were filed by factories supplying major global fashion brands, according to Amnesty International.²⁰¹ At least 131 people have been arrested, including several key trade union leaders.²⁰²Though most have since been released, some were repeatedly denied bail for weeks prior to being freed, as was trade union leader Amazed Hossen Jewel.²⁰³

Unfortunately, these events are indicative of a broader trend: vulnerable workers across Bangladesh have historically been – and continue to be – subjected to dangerous conditions, but have little ability to improve their circumstances, in part due to ongoing corporate impunity and limited access to legal remedy.²⁰⁴ Without effective adaptation measures, climate change will only amplify these challenges, in large part by making already dangerous working conditions worse, adding fuel to the fire.²⁰⁵

IV. The Impact of Extreme Heat on Workers in Dhaka

Throughout the 2024 hot season, Bangladesh experienced record-breaking temperatures, during which twenty-four heatwave days were recorded in the month of April alone.²⁰⁶ As temperatures soared, the heat became so extreme that at one point schools across the entire country were forced to close for a full week.²⁰⁷ According to World Weather Attribution, these heatwaves – and others experienced across Asia during the summer of 2024 – were made “more frequent and extreme” by climate change.²⁰⁸

High temperatures and humidity levels continued through the summer, and Dhaka at one point reached 42°C (108°F). During this time, Climate Rights International spoke with workers from the garment, construction, and transportation industries. Every worker interviewed described heat as a major challenge, one that many noted was becoming worse over time.

Kaswar, a rickshaw puller working in Mirpur, described this summer’s temperature extremes as unprecedented:

I never…I am almost fifty years old, but I never observe or experience such extreme heat. And I never heard about this type of heat from my father [or] my grandfather.²⁰⁹

A fellow rickshaw puller agreed:

What I observe in recent years, particularly this year, the heat is quite extreme. But in the past, the heat … it’s not like this … it is increasing every day, every year.²¹⁰

A key theme that emerged from these interviews was the persistent tension between worker livelihood and wellbeing. Interviewees in all industries reported that the heat was negatively impacting their work, their health, and their lives, but shared that they had no choice but to endure these challenges, as they relied upon their daily income for survival.

Rani, a garment worker, and Diya, in construction, shared that they were suffering in the heat, but still, their work continued:

Actually, the excessive heat, it affects my life and my work. But still, I am just like a machine. I have to work. Just complete the work.²¹¹

When the heat is quite high, I feel a lot of problems, but still I have to do work. Sometimes I feel like I should leave work and go home and rest, but there is no option because I am not paid by the employer [if I leave].²¹²

Raiza, an older delivery worker, expressed a similar sentiment:

Even in this very difficult condition, we don’t have any other choice. We must [work].

Heat Impacts on Worker Health and Well-Being

All of the workers CRI interviewed spoke about the harsh physical health impacts of occupational heat exposure. Many shared stories of intense sweating, fevers, headaches, loss of appetite, diarrhea, and general malaise. Some recounted experiencing chest pains and heart palpitations in the heat. Others said the high temperatures and resulting symptoms sometimes interfered with their vision; and still others shared stories of skin itching and related discomforts.

Workers frequently spoke of extreme fatigue, dizziness, and painful muscle cramps, some of whom noted that their symptoms sometimes became so intense that they could not physically continue to move or work. These workers said their bodies became overwhelmed by the heat and even stopped “involuntarily.”²¹³ Khan, a male garment worker in Mirpur, told us that he often became sick while working in the hot season, and that sometimes his “body can’t bear the heat.”²¹⁴Soma, a female colleague, shared similar experiences:

In May, [during] our typical huge heatwave … I cannot, actually at my worst … sometimes I cannot move my hands. I cannot work because I feel exhausted.²¹⁵

Many workers also mentioned feeling nauseous in the heat, at least two of whom shared stories about vomiting at work due to the hot conditions. Binita, a 34-year-old garment worker explained:

Sometimes I feel my hand muscle[s] and my leg muscle[s] [are] cramped. And sometimes I vomit. And sometimes my head spins. And a lot of things. I also [get] cold and fevers. So many kinds of problems I face during the hot day.²¹⁶

Workers across all sectors repeatedly shared feelings of “burning” and “suffering.” Raina, a garment worker who was six months pregnant at the time of the interview, shared:

My body is burning. But still there is no break at all. I have to complete [my] work…I am suffering [in the heat], but I have to do my job.²¹⁷

All of the workers we interviewed were between ages 19 and 50. Notably, though, heat-related health risks can be even greater for those at age extremes, including people over 65.²¹⁸

The symptoms experienced by the workers we interviewed were not limited to the hot season, as some noted that temperature extremes impacted their health throughout the year. One worker mentioned that the heat could be a problem for workers for as much as half the year, describing how temperatures in Bangladesh can feel very hot for up to six months at a time.²¹⁹

Most of the workers mentioned experiencing health impacts from the heat that required them to seek out medical attention. Waqir, a construction worker, shared his story:

One day I felt really bad. Some sweat went into my eyes. And eventually my eyes were feeling very bad. I could not see well. And I also felt dizziness and also my head spins. So I was almost collapsing. So my colleagues came and took me to the medical center.²²⁰

Nurul, a rickshaw puller, shared a similar story:

I become almost like I will collapse, and my heart rhythm is hitting me and I almost collapse … I just went to the doctor. ²²¹

In addition to acute health effects, temperature extremes can also increase the risk of infection and exacerbate chronic conditions such as cardiovascular disease, respiratory disease, cerebrovascular disease, kidney disease, and diabetes.²²² Climate Rights International spoke with at least four workers who mentioned experiencing more frequent urinary tract infections (UTIs) during the hot season.²²³ And Hannan, a rickshaw puller working in Mirpur, shared that his pre-existing heart and kidney conditions act up in the heat and cause him to feel very bad in the hot weather:

I have some heart issue, and I feel bad when the heat is extreme… I feel also … bad, and I have some kidney issues, so I feel really bad when the heat is extreme.²²⁴

At least two workers reported the death of a colleague due to heat. Kaswar, one of the rickshaw drivers with whom we spoke, shared that his friend and fellow rickshaw puller had passed away from heatstroke in May of 2024:

Almost two months ago, one of my friends – [a] rickshaw driver – he died out of this heat stroke. ²²⁵

Beyond direct deaths from heatstroke, symptoms such as fatigue, dizziness, and fainting can lead to workplace accidents, including falls, which may also be fatal. Jamil, a young construction worker in Mirpur, described an incident in which a colleague passed out due to the heat and fell to his death:

Fainting

Across all three sectors, almost all of the workers mentioned having experienced or witnessed a fainting accident at work during the hot season, several of whom mentioned that it was a regular occurrence. Jamil, the construction worker who witnessed a friend die following a heat-related fainting accident, shared that he faints “quite frequently during the very hot days.”²²⁷ Climate Rights International also spoke with Uttam, who – like Jamil – has also fainted on more than one occasion due to the heat:

I had a big heat shock and fainted. Some people helped me and put water on me. This happened several times. ²²⁸

Similarly, Soma, the garment worker who mentioned that her hands sometimes stop working in the heat, shared her experience fainting multiple times in just one month:

Last May, there were many hot days … I fainted a couple of times. And it also happened to other people.²²⁹

Raina, too – one of the pregnant workers with whom we spoke – described the frequency with which these accidents occur:

Almost every day [in the hot season], in our factory, five to seven people faint. Five to seven people just fall down.²³⁰

The health risks of heat can be particularly challenging for new workers who have not yet had the opportunity to acclimatize, or adjust, to the extreme conditions. One worker suggested that the newer workers, in particular, are fainting “very frequently,” perhaps as a result of this phenomenon.²³¹

Notably, workers reported that their health issues related to fainting were often made worse by having to return back to work just hours or minutes after an incident. Diya, a construction worker, explained:

My coworkers have fainted because of the heat… The person that fainted, the workers help him get up and give him some water and to rest for a few minutes, and then get back to work.²³²

Raina recounted a similar experience following a fainting accident in her garment factory:

“There is no space to have a break, so I just lie down underneath the table. And after a little break, I started working again.”²³³

Compounding Environmental Exposures

The risks of ambient heat for workers are sometimes compounded by added heat exposure from devices they use on the job. This was particularly common among the male garment workers CRI interviewed, many of whom held ironing positions. One worker, Aarit, told us that he works on a factory floor with twelve iron workers and that the room becomes unbearably hot when they all have their devices on.²³⁴Another iron worker, Zahir, shared:

In the last heatwave, [during] May and June, sometimes I was sick. I become sick in the heatwave … because I work with [a] hot iron, so it’s both outside heat [and] also my device.²³⁵

Researchers working in Cambodia found that iron workers in the garment industry spend 46 percent of their working time at unsafe core body temperatures.²³⁶

Other workers explained that seasonal differences, international buying patterns, and fashion trend cycles required that they work on the heaviest and warmest garments during Bangladesh’s hot season. Mishti, a label sewing operator in the Senpara neighborhood of Dhaka, explained:

Researchers working in Cambodia found that iron workers in the garment industry spend 46 percent of their working time at unsafe core body temperatures.²³⁶

Other workers explained that seasonal differences, international buying patterns, and fashion trend cycles required that they work on the heaviest and warmest garments during Bangladesh’s hot season. Mishti, a label sewing operator in the Senpara neighborhood of Dhaka, explained:

I have noticed that most buyers place orders for jackets and other warm clothes during the summer. This makes it even more difficult to handle these warm clothes in hot weather.²³⁷

Hot working conditions also increased the risk of other dangerous environmental exposures. Workers explained that the heat made it increasingly difficult to follow certain personal safety protocols, in part because personal protective equipment often exacerbated the impacts of heat. Workers explained how wearing a mask during the hot season could make them feel even hotter, and sometimes even make them feel itchy. Tasmiah, a garment work, explained:

We have to… we wear masks, but when I wear mask, even I feel more hot.²³⁸

Binita, also a garment worker, shared that these effects sometimes caused her to remove her mask:

During the hot days, it is really difficult keeping the mask [on]. So sometimes I put down the mask, but when I put down the mask, I inhale a lot of dust and fiber.²³⁹

This practice was particularly problematic for iron workers like Aarit, who explained how the iron exacerbated these other exposures:

The most difficult task is ironing the newly washed clothes, as they release dust and chemical particles into the air during ironing. We inhale a lot of this dust, and when we cough, we often see black dust coming out.²⁴⁰

Mental Health Consequences

Workplace heat exposure puts workers under extreme physical – and mental – stress. Some workers, mostly rickshaw pullers, described that working in the heat would at times make them feel like death was approaching. As Kaswar put it:

When the humidity and the heat [are] high, it’s really difficult to work in this condition … Sometimes I feel really like … I’m going to die like this.²⁴¹

Another rickshaw puller, Selim, shared similar feelings:

[Over] six months, I feel really hot – and the temperature is too hot, I cannot eat. Sometimes I feel my life would finish soon. This is what it is like when the climate is like this.²⁴²

Public health research is increasingly finding associations between high ambient temperatures and poor mental health outcomes, including irritability, anxiety, depression, and even suicide; and findings suggest evidence of increased risk in populations living in tropical and subtropical climate zones, like Bangladesh.²⁴³

Workers across industries mentioned experiencing symptoms such as panic, desperation, and mental suffering in the heat. Kaavi, a young delivery worker, just 19 years old, shared:

It was so hot – May, June. I was freaking out … it’s unbearable.²⁴⁴

Others shared feelings of uneasiness, restlessness, anxiety, and confusion, all of which can be symptoms of heat exhaustion or, even more dangerous, heatstroke.²⁴⁵ A local food delivery worker described feeling “very nervous when the heat is extreme.”²⁴⁶ Similarly, a garment worker shared she feels impatient and “anxious” in the high temperatures.²⁴⁷ Another worker mentioned that he sometimes finds himself crying while working in extremely hot conditions.²⁴⁸

Those we interviewed also spoke of experiencing feelings of isolation in the heat, or feeling like they could not speak up about their struggles for fear of social rejection or workplace retaliation. Kaavi, the young delivery driver, explained that he feels trapped in his work, but refrains from complaining about the heat for fear of becoming a burden to his family:

I feel so much dizziness and nause[a] sometimes. I think I want to quit. But I can’t. Because if I go [to] my home, my family might not accept it. I am the burden.²⁴⁹

Tasmiah, a garment worker, shared similar feelings:

Sometimes I had dizziness and sometimes I feel really bad, very bad. And I often but I could not tell anybody what is happening in my body, what I am feeling. I could not share with anybody.²⁵⁰

Some workers described feelings of hopelessness, having resigned to the fact that suffering in the heat was simply a part of life. Kaavi, for example, shared that he thinks there is nothing he, nor anyone, can do to better protect him:

Impacts on Productivity and Work Capacity

Workers across all three industries commented on the ways in which the heat impacted their productivity. Occupational heat exposure can reduce both work capacity and cognitive-motor performance, contributing to decreases in productivity.²⁵² A 2024 study that evaluated hundreds of workers over millions of time points found that productivity decreases for every degree above 18°C (64°F).²⁵³ A separate study conducted in factories across India found that output falls by about two percent per degree Celsius increase in temperature above a 25°C threshold (77°F).²⁵⁴

Workers in Dhaka reported moving and working more slowly in the heat, poor performance, and even having to stop involuntarily as their bodies shut down in high temperatures. Jamil, a construction worker, described his experience:

Actually, when I feel very bad, my muscles cramp or I am feeling a lot of pain, it reduces my work. And sometimes the contractor or site engineer becomes angry because they compare the previous day and today.²⁵⁵

Some workers explained that slowed productivity meant working extra hours on top of already long days to make up for heat-related delays. One young delivery worker shared that during the hot season, he would sometimes work up to 50 percent more hours to complete tasks. Similarly, garment workers explained that the heat caused work to pile up, requiring additional hours to catch up. Farjana, a young garment worker, shared:

Sometimes there is a backlog of work because it’s too hot, so we cannot go as fast as our regular rhythm.²⁵⁶

Aarit, another garment worker, elaborated about how the heat can reduce efficiency:

Extreme heat directly affects my work capacity. Generally, I can iron sixty pieces [per hour], but it goes down to fifty during [the] hottest day.²⁵⁷

While some workers extended their hours to make up for heat-related slowdowns, others – especially those in construction and delivery – had to cut their shifts short due to exhaustion or illness. A construction worker described his dilemma:

Sometimes some of our fellow men stop work because of too much heat. We know that if I work until 1:00pm then the boss will only provide half of the wage, but if I stop working at 11 or 12:00pm then they will not provide anything. If there is a difficult situation, we try to work until 1:00pm.²⁵⁸

Similarly, a rickshaw puller shared how extreme heat reduced his working hours:

It reduces working hour(s) … actually, when the heat is extreme. I feel burning in my body, and I feel palpitation inside. So it actually affects me in my work.²⁵⁹

For some, heat-related illness not only shortened their working hours, but also reduced the total number of days they worked. Another rickshaw driver explained:

My income reduces considerably [in the hot season]. Sometimes, I become sick, and I have a fever or a cough – so my total working days also reduce.²⁶⁰

Without adequate adaptation measures, Bangladesh is projected to lose 4.8 percent of working hours by 2030 due to heat stress, or the equivalent of 3.8 million full-time jobs.²⁶¹Workers in vulnerable industries will pay a heavy price for the impact of heat stress, either through loss of income, additional expenses, or extra hours to compensate for efficiency losses.

Financial Consequences of Extreme Heat

Workers across all three industries reported that heat-related expenses, health issues, and productivity losses had direct financial impacts. This was particularly true for workers who did not receive fixed wages but were instead paid by unit, which is often the case in the informal sector.²⁶²Climate Rights International spoke with workers living on as little as 9,500 taka per month (equivalent to less than $80 USD per month, as of February 2025). As one rickshaw worker put it: “This climate change [is] affecting the poorest people.”²⁶³

Many workers said that when they fall sick in the heat and cannot work, they lose income entirely. A construction worker explained:

If they get sick, they cannot work and if they can’t work, they cannot get paid.²⁶⁴

Others, especially informal workers, reported income losses as a result of reduced productivity. Razia, a female delivery worker, described how extreme heat directly impacts both her earnings and her working hours:

[The heat] directly affects my income. When the heat is too much, I cannot go as much as the other normal day. So it affects negatively on my income and my working time also reduces.²⁶⁵

Similarly, Bashir, a rickshaw driver, shared:

This weather is affecting my work during the extreme heat period. I sweat a lot and never feel good when the temperature is quite high…. In such situations, my income also reduces. Sometimes I feel scarcity of what I need, but I do not earn enough.²⁶⁶

Some workers attempted to compensate for heat-related financial losses. One rickshaw driver, for example, noted that he could charge higher fares during heatwaves, but told CRI that the additional earnings did not translate into higher total income because he was unable to work as long in extreme temperatures.²⁶⁷

For others, excessive heat led to job cancellations. A delivery worker explained:

Sometimes due to excessive heat, if I take a little break, then the customers are not happy. Because I am not delivering in time. So sometimes they cancel the delivery. And it affects my income directly. I lost my wage.²⁶⁸

Beyond lost earnings, many workers faced additional expenses in the heat. Some workers shared that when temperatures became very hot, they would pay for transport to or from work instead of walking, which would increase their daily expenses. And many shared that they needed additional hydration in the heat, but often struggled to afford the added costs. Alimullah, an older rickshaw driver, shared:

He went on to explain that other hydrating drinks, like coconut water, were out of reach financially.²⁷⁰

I try to get one, sometimes two saline packet[s], because I cannot buy more. If I buy more than two that is an expense I cannot afford.²⁷¹

The financial strains of the hot season weighed heavily on workers. Selim, a rickshaw puller, described the struggle:

I am suffering due to this extreme heat. Because my income reduces, because of the extreme heat. So I am just suffering to maintain the household expenses, to maintain my children’s expenses and also my mother’s. And so I am really suffering.

He later explained that, on occasion, heat-related income losses would leave him and his family him without food:

When the hot temperature happens, we cannot work, so the income is reduced considerably. It eventually makes it more difficult to maintain the household expenditure. So sometimes we cannot eat.²⁷²

The economic challenges associated with the heat were often compounded by the fact that many workers in Dhaka regularly send money back to their families living in rural villages in Bangladesh. And because the large majority of workers in the industries interviewed in this report live paycheck-to-paycheck, some were forced to take out loans or borrow money to survive heat-related financial losses. A delivery worker explained:

When the heat is quite high, sometimes, I involuntarily stop working because I feel really tired. My muscles are hurting. When I stop working, I have to maintain my daily expenses, like food, sometimes I borrow money from others. Then when I work, I [have to] repay that loan.²⁷³

Similarly, a construction worker shared:

I take one day off in the excessive heat situation … it affects my life, it also affects my family’s well-being. When I have no income, I have to borrow things from the shop, or someone else.²⁷⁴

This cycle of debt makes financial recovery for workers almost impossible. When already struggling with existing loans, heat-related losses only push them further into hardship. As one rickshaw driver put it:

If I had enough money, I can drink cold water and good things and good food, and then I can manage myself. But right now, I have more debt responsibility.²⁷⁵

Again, workers experienced a constant struggle between protecting their health and making a living, left with no choice but to continue to work in dangerous conditions. Binita, a garment worker, explained her plight:

Even within the heat situation, we are working. And there is no other option. Without work, there is no pay. So the heat or whatever it is, the situation we are facing, we are working within this. So many bad things are happening in our lives, but still we are working.²⁷⁶

Another worker, Kaswar, echoed the same sentiment, emphasizing the lack of alternatives:

But still, I have to go outside whether it’s too hot or whatever, it is rainy, or anything. Without working, I cannot maintain my family; I cannot eat anything. So that’s why in that condition, we have to work.²⁷⁷

He went on to share how consecutive days of working in heatwave conditions left him struggling:

When the weather is bad, and I have to work within that situation, particularly during the heat days, heatwave, after seven days or ten days, I feel really bad. I feel really difficult to work anymore. But there is no other option, so I must continue. I know that I have to pay the rickshaw owner, garage owner… I have to maintain my family. So in that situation, when my head is not good, particularly when I work consecutive days, like 10 days, then I really feel really bad and bad head. But still I work.²⁷⁸

In addition to the heat, workers also spoke of other climate impacts that negatively affected their income. A construction worker explained:

In the last week, I cannot work a few days, I had to return back, because the working site was flooded. And today I also went to my workplace, but in the morning rain, it flooded again, so I returned, I cannot work. So I don’t have any income today.²⁷⁹

Kaswar, too, shared similar experiences:

Actually, the weather, it has a very direct impact on my work and my income [and] my health. When the heat is extreme, so it’s really very difficult to work. It’s hard work driving the rickshaw. But during the rainy days, it is easy, but sometimes the water logging making things more difficult because we cannot go inside the water, so we stop working. So it has actually very negative impact on my income and my health.²⁸⁰

Without adequate adaptation, heat-related financial losses are expected to increase.²⁸¹

V. Labor Rights Violations as Barriers to Adaptation

CRI’s research found that the adverse effects of occupational heat exposure were often compounded by a litany of labor rights violations, many of which prevented workers from engaging in adaptive behaviors to reduce the impacts of the heat. Specific abuses documented by CRI include low wages and irregular payments, forced and unpaid overtime and lack of breaks, verbal harassment and threats, lack of bathroom access and pressures on workers not to use the toilet, inadequate access to safe drinking water and hydration, lack of heat-specific safety training, lack of access to medical care, denial of medical leave and retaliatory measures for taking leave, child labor, and barriers to unionization. These abuses often left workers with limited options to protect themselves from extreme temperatures and ultimately compounded the health and safety risks of the heat.

Low Wages and Irregular Payments

All of the workers CRI interviewed lived in poverty despite working full-time. Some workers, most commonly from the informal sector, reported household earning of less than 10,000 taka (around $80 USD) per month. The Anker Research Institute, together with the Global Living Wage Coalition, estimates that almost 27,900 taka (around $238 USD) per month is necessary for a family to afford a decent standard of living in Dhaka.²⁸²Almost all of the workers reported that they struggled to afford essential goods like rice. Several shared that on some days, they did not eat.

Lutfur Rahman, a garment worker in Dhaka, explained his struggles:

The commodity prices, the essential goods prices, are so much. So, we cannot maintain our family expenses, family needs, properly. What we earn, what I earn, it’s all gone. So, I cannot even keep my own pocket money. But that is the most distressing problem for us.

The inflation is too much. The rice price is almost 100 taka/kg. The sugar is too much price. [Inaudible] is too much price. And all these items, all these essential items, the prices are going up and not reducing. We cannot meet the daily expenses or monthly expenses from our salary. So that’s the most difficult for us to manage.²⁸³

For many workers, poverty and financial instability made it more difficult to take appropriate steps to manage the heat, as described above. Wages were particularly low in the informal sector, where no minimum wage standards exist to protect these groups.

For some garment workers, the comparative value of their meager wages became painfully clear when measured against the price of the clothing items they had worked to produce. One of the garment workers, Aarit, shared that his supervisor would constantly remind him of this injustice:

Garment workers in Bangladesh have for decades endured low wages, despite years of fighting for fair compensation. These attempts to secure higher pay have incited major protests on numerous occasions, as was seen in 2016, 2019, and 2023. Although a small wage increase was introduced in 2023, CRI interviewed five full-time garment workers who still at times earned less than the national monthly minimum for the garment sector (12,500 taka, or about $113 USD).²⁸⁵

Another recurring issue that has been repeatedly raised in both pay negotiations and protests is that of wage theft, along with inconsistent and delayed payments. Aarit emphasized that “irregularities in salary payments” remain a “major problem for workers.”²⁸⁶

Forced Overtime and Lack of Breaks

Almost all of the workers we interviewed worked six to seven days per week, and many regularly worked 10 to 12 hour days. Some workers recalled shifts lasting up to 14 hours, including Raina, who was pregnant at the time.²⁸⁷

Mishti, a garment worker, shared her routine:

I start at quarter to eight in the morning. And [the] return time varies. [In the] last two to three months, we do overtime almost every day. Even sometimes our factory closes at 10.00 PM.²⁸⁸

Fariz, a delivery worker, kept a similar schedule:

I have been working daily 10 hours. Sometimes I work about 11-12 hours a day.²⁸⁹

For many, overtime was not optional. And often, it was not fairly compensated. Workers were expected to complete their assigned tasks, regardless of how long it took. A young delivery worker explained:

If the employer says you have to work today in the evening, we have no choice.²⁹⁰

For some, the long workdays were made longer by lengthy commutes, and some workers reported walking as much as an hour each way to reach their job sites.

In every industry, workers described the intense physical work their jobs required. Construction workers, like Shahla, described carrying heavy materials, even in the heat:

My tasks are many kinds of work. Usually, I carry bricks, carry sand… we have to carry this from one place to another place… And sometimes I carry rocks, all quite heavy.²⁹¹

Another construction worker, Diya, shared similar daily work:

Usually, I drag the soil from one place to another, sometimes I drag bricks from one place to another.²⁹²

Rickshaw pullers and delivery workers, too, were responsible for transporting heavy loads from place to place:

During the hot days I need to take frequent breaks because I cannot take the extra weight, and I am also doing heavy pulling work.²⁹³

I carry heavy loads because we do not have any machines to carry things, it is always manually we move from one place to another. From the ground floor to sixth floor, seventh floor.²⁹⁴

Some of the garment workers shared that their work required them to stand for the entire day. One young woman, Saira, who was relatively new to the garment industry at the time, shared:

[I am] always standing. There is no scope for sitting. When my work is over, then I can sit.²⁹⁵

In addition to the long and grueling hours and hard physical work, many workers – those in the construction and garment industries, in particular – explained that they were generally allowed only limited breaks.²⁹⁶ Even as temperatures rose to extreme levels, or if days went on longer than usual, additional rest periods were rarely granted. As one garment worker put it, “Even if it is really hot conditions, we cannot take any break.”²⁹⁷ Another shared that “the official break time is not enough within this situation, when the hot is very extreme.”²⁹⁸

Raina, a 40-year-old garment worker who was six months pregnant at the time of the interview, described the rigid break policies:

When asked if she took more frequent rest in high temperatures, she responded:

In my factory floor, even in the excessive heat, the number of pieces remains the same. We have to complete the quota. So, our physical situation is affected by the heat, but there is no change.³⁰⁰

Many workers echoed this concern, reporting that their workloads and/or quotas were not adjusted in extreme conditions:

There is no change in our work, even on unbearably hot days … the workload remains the same … in the extremely hot [conditions], we all suffer.³⁰¹

The intense pressures to meet quotas or fulfil work targets made taking breaks almost impossible. Aarit, a garment worker, shared:

I cannot take [a] longer break during the working time. If I need a short break, then I must work faster to meet the target. I can take five minutes break if I complete the target five minutes earlier. However, it is very difficult completing the hourly target when [there is] so much heat.³⁰²

For some, even attempting to rest led to reprimands. One garment worker described the consequences of trying to take a break:

I cannot work because I feel exhausted. Last May, I often sat down on the floor, but there is a security camera, and the managers watched. They objected [to] my situation.³⁰³

Others faced direct threats of lost wages if they paused their work:

Our supervisor, he only pushes to complete the work. Sometimes we will request for a longer break. Immediately he says that if you do not work, we cannot pay you.³⁰⁴

Although some of the rickshaw and delivery drivers had more autonomy over their work schedule and more flexibility to schedule breaks, this was not always the case. A delivery rider shared that his break time was strictly limited, and that he was only allowed a 30-minute break during his eight-hour workday, “nothing else.”³⁰⁵Of those who had additional flexibility, most shared that they did not or could not take more or longer breaks due to the financial losses associated with time off work.

When asked why he doesn’t take longer or more frequent breaks on the job, Kaavi, a delivery rider, put it simply:

I need more money. That’s it.³⁰⁶

Binita and Razia, both garment workers, elaborated:

When it is really hot, I cannot take maximum rest because if I take longer breaks [then] I cannot earn well. If I do not have money there is a crisis in the family.³⁰⁷

The way I am taking rest is not enough. Because I know that if I take rest, then I could not work anymore. But it is pressing me to earn money to maintain my family expenditure. So that’s why I could not take enough rest. So … if I take rest, then I cannot earn much.³⁰⁸

Verbal Harassment and Threats

Many of the workers with whom we spoke explained that they were unable to engage in adaptive behaviors – like reducing work intensity or taking short breaks – to protect themselves from the heat, because these behaviors are met with anger, verbal harassment, and threats. Workers across all three industries shared stories of being yelled at, sworn at, and insulted.³⁰⁹

Sagnik, a construction worker in Shyamoli, explained:

If I take a break for drinking, if the contractor is observing that I tried to take a break, then he will immediately give a bad word. No one [can] take [a] break. Sometimes I get thirsty, but I cannot take a break.³¹⁰

Khan, a garment worker in Mirpur, shared similar experiences:

Some workers even shared stories of being threatened. Aanya, a young female construction worker, mentioned that the contractor she works for becomes very angry and scolds her when she tries to take breaks in the heat. She went on to explain that he has sometimes become so angry that he has threatened to break into her home.³¹²

Multiple workers noted that when they became sick in the heat, their requests for time off were met with taunts and insults. An 18-year-old garment worker shared:

If someone is very sick … then that person … asks for a day off, a break. But the factory management sometimes they just insult, use insulting words. “Why you are working if you … cannot work? If you … feel sick, then you cannot get income.”³¹³

Similarly, another worker noted:

If I take a day off, then the management behave[s] very badly. So that’s why we cannot take even a day off.³¹⁴

Kaavi, a very young delivery worker, shared that this kind of “bad behavior is normal, actually.”³¹⁵

Lack of Access to Toilets, Poor Bathroom Conditions, and Restrictions on Usage

For many workers, particularly those in the construction and transportation industries, access to toilets was a persistent challenge. Most of the workers in these sectors interviewed by CRI indicated that their worksites lacked designated bathrooms, forcing them to seek alternatives. Some were forced to urinate in the streets, use their limited income to pay for access to public restrooms, forgo income to return home to use the washroom, or knock on the doors of private houses and ask to use their facilities.

Azizul, a construction worker, explained the lack of employer-provided facilities:

[There are] no toilet facilities from the employer side. When I feel like I need to use [the] toilet, I go to a private house and request to use theirs.³¹⁶

Two female workers explained a major challenge to this approach:

Some people refuse to let us use the toilet.³¹⁷

When sometimes I feel like urinating, I ask local households nearby [to use their toilet]. Some refuse.³¹⁸

Some workers described the stress and pain they felt trying to hold in their urine, while others shared that knocking on doors was not always safe and sometimes brought on feelings of fear – particularly for women workers.

Other workers described the high cost of using public restrooms. Kaavi, a young delivery worker, shared that these prices sometimes leave workers to urinate in public:

Sometimes it costs five taka, sometimes ten taka. So that’s why many people are urinating outside on the ground.³¹⁹

Even for those with access to workplace restrooms, conditions were not always sanitary. One garment worker described the poor maintenance of the facilities in his factory:

We have washroom[s], but they are not always kept clean. The management does conduct cleaning work when [the] buyers team visit our factory. Besides [this], there is often inadequate supply of soap …. And they often remain unhygienic.³²⁰

In addition to unclean facilities, some workers reported informal restrictions on bathroom usage. One worker explained:

“If I go to the toilet every hour, then it’s not allowed, there is a kind of restriction.”³²¹

These types of limitations regarding bathroom access on the job led some workers to restrict their intake of drinking water, as is discussed below.

Inadequate Access to Water and Hydration

Climate Rights International found that many workers were not able to hydrate properly on the job, even in hot extremes. Dehydration is particularly dangerous in these conditions and can significantly increase the risks of experiencing heat-related illnesses.

CRI spoke with three workers who shared that they and/or their colleagues believed the water and/or saline provided by their workplaces is not safe to drink. Binita, for example, said:

Actually, the factory water line has contaminated water.³²²

She went on to explain that the water source at the factory is also hot, which is not comfortable in already hot weather:

The factory management puts the water in the filter, then we get the water, and actually the water is quite hot. It is not very comfortable to drink that water.³²³

Another garment worker, Saira, shared that her factory sometimes provides sharbat (a common Bangladeshi drink, similar to lemonade), but shared that she “doesn’t feel safe” drinking it due to the hygiene practices of those making the beverage.³²⁴

Many of the workers with whom we spoke drank tap water, which in Dhaka is known to contain high levels of heavy metals, Escherichia coli (E. coli), and other contaminants.³²⁵ Shahla, a construction worker, shared:

I collect water from the tap. And tap water, you know, is not always safe.³²⁶

To ensure access to potable water on the job, some workers – including Binita – traveled to and from work with a limited supply of their own water:

Factory workers are bringing the water from their home. Many workers believe that the factory water is not safe.³²⁷

When they finished the container, they did not drink anything until they returned home.

Other workers explained that there were restrictions surrounding how often they could take time to drink water at work. Tasmiah, a young garment worker, shared:

I often, when I feel really hot, I try to have more … drink water frequently. And sometimes I just forget the restriction of the management sitting in front of my table … I realize that if I don’t survive, what will my job do? So sometimes I am desperate and I break the working rule just for surviving.³²⁸

Bablu, a construction worker, shared that his company does not allow workers to buy saline during business hours:

The company is not allowing [us] to go outside and buy saline. And also it has a price. So that’s why we restrict.³²⁹

Some workers, including Bablu, also explained how social pressures can create additional and/or informal restrictions on water breaks. Sagnik, for example, explained that taking additional rest to drink water would interrupt the workflow and require another worker to cover for him:

[At work] I carry a basket of bricks. I hand it to my next man. The next man also carries the basket for some length, and carries them on their head, so our breaks are the same. Sometimes if someone is really thirsty, then one has to take someone else’s job. So, I [only] drink when we take breaks.³³⁰

For Bablu, these informal pressures were more explicit:

If I go and collect water, it takes time. So the other mason workers make me a kind of restriction. They’ll say, “Why are you going out?” So that’s why we restrict the water.³³¹

In addition to the workplace and social restrictions surrounding hydration breaks, workers further noted the prohibitively high prices of clean water, saline, and other electrolyte drinks. As previously mentioned, Alimullah, a rickshaw puller, explained that he has to pay for water on the job, and that these expenses add up:

During the heatwave time, I try to get water in the shop, but the price of water is about two Taka per glass. And at a time [when] I drink three to four full glass … it has expenses. And sometimes I feel I [would] like to have saline water, but it has extra expenses. So it is not easy to manage that expenses.³³²

Alimullah further shared that he cannot afford to buy anything more hydrating:’

I feel I like to have one coconut water, but it is quite expensive. One coconut is 100 Taka, 150 Taka [around USD$1]. So if I take one coconut, then I can work two hours easily because it cool down body, and it is really good for health. But I cannot provide that money to buy one coconut.³³³

Zarini, a construction worker, experienced similar limitations, noting that she and her colleagues “do not have the money to buy some electrolytes and saline.”³³⁴

Still other workers shared that intense workplace pressures to finish tasks without interrupting workflow, lack of breaks, and limitations surrounding bathroom access led them to restrict their intake of water so that they would not have to use the bathroom as frequently.³³⁵ This behavior was especially common among garment workers, who often work under intense pressures to meet daily quotas. When asked whether the quotas were reduced at all in extreme weather conditions, one worker shared that:

We have to fulfil the target always, [whether] it’s winter or hot days. So even [though] we are suffering … we have to maintain the quota.³³⁶

She added that when there is a lot of work pressure, she cannot take breaks to drink water. Others expressed similar sentiments, admitting that the heavy workload often prevented them from drinking enough water:

I don’t drink enough water because there is a huge pressure of work. That’s why I refrain [from] drink[ing] more often.³³⁷

I do not drink enough water at work … because of the work, we cannot get break time.³³⁸

Still others described making conscious efforts to limit their water intake, because drinking more would require more time away from work:

Another garment worker shared similar sentiments:

I realize that if I drink more, it’s not enough. But still I feel if I drink more, then I have to carry more water. And also I have to use the toilet more. But there is a huge workload, work pressure, so I deliberately restrict my drinking water.³⁴⁰

Restricting drinking water is particularly dangerous in hot weather, as proper hydration is necessary for the body to regulate temperature through sweating. Excessive sweating without rehydration can lead to heat-related illnesses, kidney damage, and other severe health issues.

Even when workers were able to drink water, many mentioned having experienced dehydration, often citing decreased urination as a telltale sign. Khan, a male garment worker, shared:

In the hot period, a lot of water is lost through sweating, so actually urinating is not quite frequent, as much as I drink water. Because my body is sweating.³⁴¹

In addition to the dangers outlined above, chronic dehydration can also increase the risk of urinary tract infections (UTIs), particularly in women. Raina, one of the pregnant garment workers we interviewed, shared that she had experienced repeated UTIs as a result of limiting her water intake at work:

I got three times a urinary tract infection in the factory. Actually, in my factory, it happened because the workload was quite high. The work was heavy. I took little water. I know that if I drink more water, then I have to go to the toilet. Then I just refrained from having more water. And that’s why I got a urinary infection. … When the workload is too much, then I forget to have drink. Because I know that I have to complete the production. So that’s why it happened.³⁴²

UTIs can be particularly dangerous during pregnancy because they are linked to adverse birth outcomes, including preterm birth and low birth weight.³⁴³ Notably, because these types of health outcomes can influence developmental trajectories, heat exposures that occur during pregnancy might potentially lead to adverse health impacts throughout a child’s life.³⁴⁴

Other workers also shared stories of UTIs, having trouble urinating, and experiencing related symptoms. Tasmiah, another garment worker, recalled:

“When I got urine infection, at that time, there was a lot of work pressure, so I could not take more water, but I was thinking that I should drink more, but the workload is such that I could not drink more water. So it happened, that’s why my urine infection happened and I suffered a lot.”³⁴⁵

Lack of Heat-Specific Safety Training

Nearly all of the workers interviewed for this report said they had not received formal training about how to protect themselves from the heat at work. A small number of workers mentioned receiving general advice from employers or on-staff doctors, such as being told to “be careful,” drink saline, or use exhaust fans during hot weather. However, only two workers reported receiving comprehensive heat training about how to recognize the signs and symptoms of heat stress or about specific measures, beyond hydration, to reduce their risk.³⁴⁶

Some workers, primarily in the garment industry, had attended formal occupational safety trainings on workplace hazards such as building safety, fire, and evacuation procedures. However, none recalled any information about climate-related dangers or heat exposure risks having been incorporated into these broader safety trainings.

Limited Access to Medical Care, Denial of Medical Leave, and Retaliation

Most of the workers interviewed for this report did not have access to medical care at work. Though a small number of garment workers shared that there were part-time physicians or nurses on staff, some of these workers also indicated access issues, describing odd hours and long queues.

Other workers had been refused access to medical care at work. As one construction worker, Diya, put it:

“They just strictly say if you are not willing to work, you can go home. There is no medical support.”³⁴⁷

Still others were unable to get the medical care they required due to financial need, because paid medical leave is not provided for in the informal sector and often not enforced across the garment sector. Azizul, a construction worker, explained:

Though some workers, mainly in the garment sector, mentioned that their workplace would help cover some of the costs associated with medical care, others – mainly informal workers – mentioned the prohibitive costs of medical support. Kibria, a rickshaw puller, explained:

Tasbi, a female construction worker near Dakshinkhan, shared similar challenges:

There is no medical support, but I sometimes buy medicine from my own income. But I have limited income, so sometimes I could not buy.³⁵⁰

Other workers cited fear of missing work as a barrier to seeking medical care.

One of the garment workers we interviewed, Zahir, reported that he had been fired after taking medical leave. He explained:

Fortunately, Zahir was eventually able to get his job back after making multiple requests to the factory and getting his family involved.³⁵²But for others, this is not always the case. Even still, these types of incidents can have a chilling effect, as is described below.

Fear of Retaliation

Many workers explained that they did not complain about the impacts of the heat due to fear of losing their jobs. As mentioned previously, Tasmiah, a garment worker, expressed feelings of isolation when asked about how she felt while working in the heat:

I had dizziness and sometimes I feel really bad, very bad, and often. But I could not tell anybody what is happening in my body, what I am feeling. I could not share with anybody.³⁵³

When asked why she could not share, she explained:

Workers … never share with the factory management, because most of the workers are afraid if anybody is sick [from] the extreme heat then they may lose their job.³⁵⁴

Some construction workers expressed similar fears, as one worker noted:

There is a pressure on us. If we do not complete [our work] on time, or if we take a longer break, then … they sometimes threaten us … They threaten to shut down my presence.³⁵⁵

Child Labor

Child labor has historically been a serious issue in Bangladesh, and rates surged during the COVID-19 pandemic. As of 2023, an estimated 9.2 percent of children between the ages of five and 14 are engaged in child labor across the country.³⁵⁶

At least three of the workers interviewed by CRI reported having worked as children. CRI declined to interview at least one child worker who was too young to provide informed consent.

Challenges for Women Workers

As rising temperatures make already challenging working conditions worse, women workers in Dhaka face distinct risks. Many women in developing countries like Bangladesh perform demanding labor that pushes the boundaries of their physical limits, which can become even more dangerous in extreme conditions. Women in these settings also shoulder the greatest burden of unpaid domestic labor, which can increase in hotter temperatures.³⁵⁷ Some of the women we interviewed mentioned using their limited time away from work to care for sick relatives or prepare food for their children, which further strained their ability to rest and recover.

Moreover, workplace norms, conditions, and policies in some instances lead to gender-specific barriers to heat adaptation. The women workers we interviewed faced challenges relating to bathroom access, full-coverage clothing, and restrictive labor policies that – though intended to protect them – ultimately limited their financial opportunities.

Women workers, in particular those in the informal sector, expressed concerns about bathroom access. Of those who did not have bathrooms located at their worksites, some noted the differences in options for men and women, explaining that they could not urinate in public like their male counterparts. Women workers were instead forced to ask to use the restroom in private homes near their worksites, sometimes describing feelings of fear when doing so.

Aanya, a female construction worker, explained:

As [a] female worker, I cannot do like the men do. I used to go [to] the private house to request to use the toilet.³⁵⁸

Male construction workers sometimes reported taking the same approach, but generally did not share the same safety concerns. As Azizul explained:

For male workers, it is not a problem. But sometimes it is not always safe for female workers.³⁵⁹

Razia, a female delivery worker, described feelings of fear that resulted from these types of attempts to find a bathroom:

I can go to the bathroom, but sometimes I feel fear. If … something happens, then that type of fear affects me.³⁶⁰

A recent study in India found that women without access to toilets at work were significantly more likely to drink less water and had six times higher odds of experiencing genitourinary issues compared to women with access to toilets.³⁶¹

Some women workers also shared that multi-layered clothing, as is common due to cultural and religious norms in Bangladesh, exacerbated their feelings of hotness. Soma, a garment worker, explained that the high temperatures force her to remove her burka at work:

[In the heat] I put off my burka. Because if I keep this burka, I could not work, because it’s too hot.³⁶²

Though some women workers, like Soma, reported wearing lighter clothing or removing layers while at work, others reported that their heavy clothing stayed on. At least two women reported that they wore burkas while working, even in the hot months.³⁶³

One of the workers with whom CRI spoke reported that a doctor in his factory had warned women workers to avoid standing close to fans when attempting to cool down. Recounting the advice, he said:

If [they] stand close by, the additional pieces of clothes can be pulled by the fan and have an accident.³⁶⁴

Some women also described gendered workplace safety policies. For instance, one woman shared that female workers at her construction company were forbidden to work past 10pm. Though this policy was designed to protect women, it ultimately limited both their flexibility – including to avoid peak heat hours – and their ability to earn overtime pay, among those for whom it was an option.³⁶⁵

Any financial losses, including those related to heat, are especially challenging for many women in developing countries. Women in these regions are already paid lower wages on average, and face reduced access to resources and fewer opportunities for financial independence.³⁶⁶ These inequities only become more problematic in the context of low-income women’s underrepresentation in climate adaptation discussions and policymaking, which has to date left their unique vulnerabilities largely unaddressed.³⁶⁷

Pregnant women and their fetuses are also uniquely vulnerable to the impacts of heat – in part because heat exposure during pregnancy has been linked to a range of adverse health outcomes, including stillbirth, preterm birth, congenital anomalies, and severe maternal health complications.³⁶⁸These risks may be particularly pronounced for pregnant women “at age extremes,” for example pregnant women under 25 or over 35 years old.³⁶⁹ Because birth outcomes can adversely influence child developmental trajectories, heat exposure during pregnancy may negatively impact the health of a child throughout their lifetime.³⁷⁰

Impact of Heat on Pregnant Workers

Climate Rights International spoke with two pregnant garment workers who described how the heat was making both their work and their pregnancies more difficult. Both women explained that they felt even hotter during pregnancy, and shared that it was difficult to complete their work while pregnant. Raina, a 40-year-old textile worker who was six months pregnant at the time of the interview, described her experience:

Raina also spoke about how she needed to use the bathroom more frequently in pregnancy, and how she felt hungrier and thirstier, which made her work more challenging.

Laiba, a 32-year-old woman who was seven months pregnant at the time of the interview, similarly mentioned her workload. She said:

She later shared:

I feel it is very difficult to do my job as a pregnant woman. But there is no other way.³⁷³

Despite these challenges, only limited accommodations were available for pregnant workers. Through the first seven months of her pregnancy, Laiba worked 11 hours per day, six days per week. In the later stages of pregnancy, her boss no longer allowed her to work overtime. Though she said she was happy to have this type of break, she was concerned about the resulting reduction in her income. Laiba noted that in the weeks before and after delivery, she would receive paid maternity leave.

Only one non-pregnant worker mentioned workplace accommodations for pregnant women, noting that his workplace had informal accommodations to allow pregnant workers to seek medical care more frequently than other workers, or work in a sitting position as opposed to the usual standing position throughout the day.³⁷⁴

Neither of the pregnant women interviewed were aware of the risks heat posed to their fetus.

VI. Managing the Heat: Climate Adaptation Practices

Despite the many obstacles they faced, workers engaged in a variety of adaptive measures in an attempt to protect themselves from the heat. Workers reported that, where possible, they drank additional water or consumed saline or sharbat (a mix of lemon, sugar, and water) to stay hydrated, ate small snacks to increase energy, wore lighter clothing, washed their hands and faces, or doused themselves or their clothing with water. In addition to these strategies, some outdoor workers reported that they would rest under trees or in shade, where possible. A small number of workers said they would change their working hours to avoid peak heat times, though this was not an option for others.

Many workers mentioned that these measures were simply not enough. Workers repeatedly expressed that they were not able to drink enough water or get enough rest because of workplace or financial restrictions. Many workers also shared that the water or rest they were able to get was not helping them cool down. For example, some workers, like Nabeel, mentioned that no matter how much they drank, they would simply sweat it all out, leaving them thirsty throughout the day:

It is not enough. I drink a lot, but even within a few minutes, I feel thirsty. But if I drink more, then I feel pain [in] my stomach, and actually all the water goes through the sweating. So, I drink a lot, but still I feel thirsty.³⁷⁵

Others shared that in extreme conditions, short breaks didn’t help. As one garment worker described:

If there is a huge heat, there is no difference in taking a break.³⁷⁶

Some workers lacked knowledge about how to effectively protect themselves. Several, for example, mentioned that they would drink soda or tea to hydrate in the heat – both of which can actually contribute to dehydration if caffeinated. Soda, in particular, has also been linked to acute kidney injury when consumed during or after exercise in the heat. This is concerning, as kidney damage is already a risk factor for workers doing hard physical labor in hot conditions.³⁷⁷

In addition to individual adaptation measures, some workers reported that their workplaces also had heat-mitigation measures in place. Several shared that their employers would, on occasion, provide sharbat or saline to workers, or that they could get paracetamol from a doctor for headaches or other ailments. Indoor workers, in particular, shared that employers would often open all the windows on particularly hot days or turn on additional exhaust fans, though some shared that further adaptation measures were not approved by buyers:

My factory management open all doors and windows first and also switched on all ceiling and exhaust fans. Sometimes factory staff also put off some lights, but it is not always accepted. Buyers do not like this because it may affect the quality of work.³⁷⁸

None of the workers interviewed for this report lived or worked in air-conditioned environments. A handful of workers, however, mentioned that their supervisors or others in charge sat in air-conditioned rooms throughout the day, which only underscored the disparities between labor classes. Just two workers mentioned that if they fell ill, they could take a brief rest in their bosses’ air-conditioned rooms.³⁷⁹ But others, like Zahir, explained that they were not allowed in:

My big boss[es], they have their own room, chamber – and it is air conditioned. So they can relax in that cool place… We are not allowed there.³⁸⁰

Other workers explained how not being able to cool down at home exacerbated their struggles at work:

Sometimes my home becomes too humid and hot because it is too tiny, making it difficult to sleep. As a result, I struggle to concentrate on my work at the factory.³⁸¹

And though the heat was having clear impacts on worker productivity, many workers explained that they believed their employers felt additional adaptation measures would reduce productivity and, as a result, output. When asked why his employer does not allow additional breaks in the heat, Bablu, a construction worker, responded:

They have a kind of idea that it can reduce their work. That’s why.³⁸²

Saira, a garment worker, had a similar impression:

[Management believes that], if the factory management give[s] [us] an air conditioning system, maybe the workers will not work, they will just have a rest.³⁸³

Saira also shared fears about the financial burdens brought on by cooling, describing worries that the associated costs might cause her to lose her job:

I am concerned because the management, most of the time, they mention the factory is using so much electricity, gas, water. So, the factory is not making any profit. If we spend more money on electricity and gas, then we can’t run the business. So that makes me concerned about why we will expect more. If the factory closes down, I will lose [my] job.³⁸⁴

Still, many workers felt that the cooling systems they did have on the job, like windows and fans, felt insufficient:

I have very little air on me, so I feel really bad. So, it is not only for me, some other workers who are just standing close to the wall, there is also inadequate air facility.³⁸⁵

Others said they had requested additional fans, but were instead told to pray for better conditions:

We tell the authority [that the fans are] inadequate, but they do not install additional fan[s]. Rather, our authority tell[s] us that you should pray to Allah for better weather.³⁸⁶

The Role of Unions

Unions have a critical role to play in protecting the health and safety of workers. Researchers working in Cambodia, for example, found that unionized workers experienced significantly lower proportions of working minutes at unsafe temperatures over 38˚C, and that these workers spent 51 percent fewer working minutes at unsafe core body temperatures.³⁸⁷ Notably, when unions negotiated with employers over heat mitigation, workers experienced 74 percent fewer working minutes at unsafe temperatures.³⁸⁸ These findings underscore the ways in which “collective bargaining and social dialogue, through organized unions, can drive positive climate action and improve worker welfare.”³⁸⁹

Most of the workers interviewed by CRI, however, did not participate in unions. Of the four that did, three said that they weren’t sure if their union was working on heat-related protections for workers. One garment worker, though, shared that her union had engaged with the issue and that they were negotiating with the factory management to take fewer orders for warm clothes during the summer and to reduce working hours on extremely hot days.³⁹⁰ She also shared that her union frequently requests that the management mop the factory floors more often, as workers believe it can help cool down the room.³⁹¹

Climate Rights International also spoke with Md. Towhidur Rahman, President of the Bangladesh Apparel Workers Federation (BAWF), who shared that BAWF and other unions, including the Bangladesh Labour Foundation (BLF), were helping to organize weekend workshops to educate workers about climate change.³⁹² However, it seems that these workshops, at present, focus largely on bigger-picture issues and longer-term solutions, like upskilling, as opposed to more immediate behavioral health impacts and heat adaptation measures for workers.³⁹³ Rahman noted that lack of funding is a major barrier to the future expansion of this type of programming.³⁹⁴

But union support is only available to union members. And for some workers, the risks of unionization are simply too high. Labor unions in Bangladesh have historically played a key role in organizing protests calling on the government to increase the minimum wage for workers. Because these protests continue to create tension between unions, employers, and the government, some workers felt it was best not to engage. Aaron, an experienced garment worker, explained:

Informal workers, in particular, are less likely to organize due to the absence of formal employment contracts, which can make it challenging for them to register with or form legally recognized unions. In sectors like rickshaw pulling, many workers perceive existing unions – most of which operate without legal recognition – as “insincere” or “unrepresentative of their interests.”³⁹⁶ Notably, none of the informal workers interviewed by CRI reported being members of a labor union.

Heat Adaptation Best Practices

Though the challenges outlined in this report are complex, there exists a broad range of measures that both governments and businesses can implement to improve – and cool – working conditions. This report focuses specifically on workplace heat adaptation strategies relevant to and appropriate for low-resource settings. For a broader review of heat adaptation interventions, please see Climate Rights International’s summary report on heat and human rights, “I Can’t Cool.”³⁹⁷

To limit worker exposure to hazards on the job, occupational health and safety experts often refer to the “hierarchy of controls” [see Figure 5], which outlines five distinct approaches through which to reduce the risk of a hazard. These strategies range from most effective (elimination) to least effective (personal protective equipment). As with any type of policy decision-making, it is necessary to account for variables like cost, feasibility, sustainability, and efficacy when developing an action plan for workplace-level heat stress prevention.³⁹⁸ In the context of Dhaka’s workforce, for example, elimination and/or substitution of ambient heat is not currently possible.

Figure 5. Source: Texas Department of Insurance. “Hierarchy of Controls.” Safety Tips, Texas Department of Insurance, State of Texas, n.d., www.tdi.texas.gov/tips/safety/hierarchy‑of‑controls.html, Accessed 17 June 2025.

Engineering Controls

After elimination and substitution, the next best option to reduce the risks associated with a workplace hazard, like heat, are engineering controls.³⁹⁹ Engineering controls aim to isolate people from the hazard, which, in the context of heat, means aiming to reduce workplace temperatures.⁴⁰⁰

Air conditioning is one type of engineering intervention. Though air conditioning is the fastest and most effective way to reduce heat exposure and its associated consequences in this context, widespread air conditioning is not currently feasible in Dhaka, in part due to a range of financial and infrastructural limitations. It is also not a long-term or sustainable solution. In fact, air conditioning technologies can actually increase surrounding ambient air temperatures. In the short-term, air conditioners can generate heat and drive up the temperatures of surrounding urban areas by as much as 1°C to 2°C.⁴⁰¹ And in the long term, widespread use of air conditioning technologies can both increase emissions and release heat-trapping refrigerants into the atmosphere, which actually contributes to global warming.⁴⁰² Air conditioning can also increase the risk of power outages, which already plague Dhaka in the summer months.⁴⁰³

Instead, more feasible and appropriate cooling interventions for the current context are described below. Still, the design, implementation, and enforcement of some of these interventions will require substantial investment. As such, high-income countries – particularly those that source from, and benefit from, Bangladeshi supply chains – should provide financial support to improve climate adaptation and resilience in Dhaka and across the country. Notably, though, there exist a broad range of effective heat adaptation measures that are generally low cost and that can be implemented almost immediately.

For Dhaka’s workers, the implementation of lower-cost and more sustainable cooling interventions will be key to improving health outcomes.⁴⁰⁴ Electric fans are one possible option. However, in temperatures below 30°C, electric fans are at most 36 percent as effective as air conditioning in terms of reducing core body temperature in older adults, and should therefore be used in combination with other engineering strategies – such as passive cooling techniques – to maximize their benefits. At extremely high temperatures, electric fans become largely ineffective and – in some conditions – detrimental, though there is some debate about the exact threshold at which this occurs.⁴⁰⁵

Passive cooling is another promising measure for heat adaptation in Dhaka. Passive cooling refers to no-or low-energy interventions used to decrease temperature. For indoor workers, one effective passive cooling measure is that of improved ventilation. Modeling studies in Bangladesh have demonstrated that installing new window types, configuring windows differently, and continuing to use ventilation strategies throughout the nighttime, can together provide reductions of up to 23 percent in “overheated working hours.”⁴⁰⁶ Researchers have also found that changing workstation arrangements – including seating workers a maximum of 18 meters from windows, changing lighting layouts, and installing low heat-emitting lights – could further improve worker comfort.⁴⁰⁷ These interventions can be both retrofitted for old buildings and installed into new ones.

Retrofitting factory rooftops can also help offset high indoor temperatures. A case study conducted in Dhaka found that three separate rooftop interventions – installing rooftop shading, green roofs (extensive planting), and white roofs (covered with reflective paint) – all reduced indoor air temperatures by around 2°C.⁴⁰⁸ Notably, researchers further found that these interventions reduced the number of working hours in which heat stress measures exceeded the standardized limit for moderate work (WBGT 28°C) by over 600 hours, or the equivalent of 75 eight-hour days per year.⁴⁰⁹ Other researchers in Dhaka have found that the use of reflective paints on roofs can effectively keep indoor temperatures cooler than outdoors, decreasing indoor air temperatures by an average of 3.5°C, and by as much as 7.72°C during peak heat.⁴¹⁰ Still, there exist challenges regarding the long-term efficiency of some of these interventions. For example, sun-reflecting paint becomes less effective with dust, rust, and corrosion from high humidity, as is common in Dhaka during the monsoon season.⁴¹¹ In the longer term, indoor workplaces in Dhaka could explore the potential of emerging technologies, including solar-powered cooling and/or water-based cooling.⁴¹²

For outdoor workers, improving access to shade can significantly reduce heat-related risks.⁴¹³ In urban areas, installing shading stations along roadsides and increasing tree canopy can help achieve these goals.⁴¹⁴ In fact, expanding greenspace can alone effectively lessen ambient temperatures in urban areas, and research estimates that increasing urban greenery can reduce urban heat by as much as 1°C to 4.7°C during hot seasons.⁴¹⁵ Bangladesh’s current National Adaptation Plan outlines commitments to support eco-engineering and green infrastructure, including parks, urban forests, and green roofs. Notably, a recent study in Dhaka found that roughly 77 percent of rooftops in the city are suitable for rooftop agriculture and greening.⁴¹⁶ Though these interventions appear promising, there are only a small number of projects currently being planned.⁴¹⁷

Administrative Controls

Beyond engineering interventions, administrative controls can also help to protect workers from heat-related risks. Administrative controls are policies that seek to reduce workers’ exposure to excessive heat; these types of policies generally change the way people work, and primarily involve strategies such as training and job rotation, though they may not always directly target the specific vulnerabilities and risks caused by heat.⁴¹⁸

Research indicates that adaptive practices are strongly influenced by demographic factors like education, socioeconomic status, and occupation – and that workers who have higher levels of education and income are more likely to understand and use heat adaptation strategies.⁴¹⁹ For low-income workers with limited formal education, like those interviewed by CRI in Dhaka, targeted education interventions will be especially critical. CRI’s research found that many of these workers were unaware of effective ways to protect themselves from extreme heat. Providing education to both workers and employers about heat risks and protective measures can lead to improved health outcomes.⁴²⁰

Arguably one of the simplest and most important heat adaptation interventions for workers in Dhaka will be the development and enforcement of science-backed work-to-rest ratios, or work-rest cycles. Work-to-rest ratios determine how much time a person needs to rest – ideally in a shaded or cooler environment – to effectively recover and lower core body temperature before starting to work again. These ratios account for a person’s level of physical exertion, assigning longer rest periods to workers who engage in more strenuous tasks. To be effective, work-to-rest ratios should be based on real-time environmental conditions, including wet-bulb globe temperature (WBGT) – a measure of heat stress that accounts for several factors including temperature, humidity, wind, and sun exposure.⁴²¹

Behavioral adaptation interventions like these, when combined with adequate hydration – and shade, where applicable – have repeatedly proven effective in terms of protecting worker health.⁴²² And while these efforts may decrease the total amount of minutes worked each day, some emerging evidence suggests that there are no associated productivity losses, likely because healthier workers are more likely to show up to work and be more productive.⁴²³ Moreover, some case studies that combine multiple heat-adaptive interventions, including recent research conducted by the Sri Ramachandra Institute among brick kiln laborers in India, actually demonstrate the ways in which protective measures can increase worker productivity.⁴²⁴

In order to best protect workers from heat-related risks, work-to-rest ratios should include maximum heat thresholds at which work must be stopped. Ideally, these thresholds should be based on both air temperature and relative humidity levels, as has been done in other countries in Asia, including China, Vietnam, and Thailand.⁴²⁵ These cycles should also include separate measures to help new workers, who are particularly sensitive to heat, to acclimatize by allowing them additional time to adjust to the physiological impacts of performing heavy work in hot conditions.

Other administrative controls include schedule adjustments to help workers avoid working in peak heat conditions; job rotation to ensure that those exposed to radiant sources of heat, like irons or hot machinery, have breaks during peak heat hours; ensuring access to safe water and bathrooms at the worksite; ensuring adequate hydration; guaranteeing that workers are not penalized for taking additional rest or hydration breaks in the heat; and implementing adequate breaks and return-to-work standards to ensure workers are able to fully recover following heat-related illness.⁴²⁶ As with most workplace controls, employer buy-in is key to the execution and impact of any of these interventions, and overcoming this barrier will be critical in shaping the future of Dhaka’s workforce. Future research should consider assessing employer return-on-investment for worker climate and health education programs.

Workplace-specific administrative controls will be most effective when combined with broader-level financial supports. These types of interventions might include heat insurance for at-risk workers, as has been piloted in India, that can help cover lost wages due to reduced or missed hours caused by climate-driven extreme heat.⁴²⁷ Still, despite the obvious benefits to workers, there are concerns about the long-term viability of these programs. The increasing frequency of payouts, for example, is a major concern – and has already caused some programs in developing countries – for example, in Kenya – to shut down.⁴²⁸ At present, heat insurance schemes in the developing world are largely subsidized by nonprofit groups, national governments, or wealthy countries.⁴²⁹

Other financial measures, such as the provision of cash transfers ahead of extreme weather events, have already demonstrated success in supporting rural populations affected by climate-related disasters in Bangladesh, and could help workers in the context of heat by enabling them to take time off work in extreme conditions and/or to afford water and electrolytes.⁴³⁰ Upskilling, or training workers for alternative or more climate-resilient livelihoods, will also be essential. As indicated in Bangladesh’s Mujib Climate Prosperity Plan (2022–2041), upskilling will play a critical role in strengthening worker resilience both in Dhaka and across the country.⁴³¹

Emerging Solutions, Persistent Barriers: Heat Resilience in Dhaka’s Garment Sector

Though significant progress will be necessary to more effectively protect workers in Dhaka from the risks of climate change, a small number of promising initiatives are beginning to take shape. One important effort is led by Bangladeshi researcher Dr. Farzana Yeasmin, who received a Climate x Health grant to pilot a heat mitigation training program for ready-made garment workers and factory management personnel in Dhaka.

Dr. Yeasmin’s program prioritizes worker and manager education and promotes behavior change through interactive training. A key strength of the initiative is its participatory approach, which incorporates workers in meetings and focus groups where they can engage directly with researchers to discuss the intervention and provide feedback. Early results have shown success on a small scale, with improved awareness and behavioral shifts among participating workers.

But systemic barriers – including inconsistent enforcement by management, gender-related challenges around hydration, and the absence of structured rest periods – continue to pose challenges. These findings underscore the urgent need for integrated heat adaptation strategies that respect workers’ rights and promote sustainable labor practices in a warming climate.

Personal Protective Equipment

Some types of personal protective equipment (PPE) can also help to protect workers from the heat. Workplaces in Dhaka should allow workers to wear casual and lightweight clothing while at work and to remove unnecessary aprons or layers as necessary, including during buyer visits. Outdoor workers should be encouraged to wear protective gear to limit direct sun exposure, including wide-brim hats and other accessories that can provide shading. Businesses should also consider investing in personal cooling devices and garments for workers – such as cooling bandanas, vests, jackets, or headwear, which have been proven to help keep worker core body temperature within healthy limits, even in high heat – and/or wearable devices to more closely monitor worker health in hot conditions.⁴³²

At the same time, workplaces should also account for the added heat burden associated with some more traditional types of personal protective equipment – like masks, heavy clothing, and helmets – and adjust work intensity accordingly.⁴³³

VII. Domestic Legal Framework and Other Commitments

Labor Laws, Workplace Safety Regulations, and Other Relevant Commitments

Bangladesh’s domestic legal framework includes a number of labor laws and workplace safety regulations designed to protect worker health and safety. But while these laws create a foundation through which to manage occupational risks, they fall short of comprehensively addressing the growing threats of climate change and extreme heat. These laws are often narrow in scope, inconsistently enforced, and, critically, fail to adequately protect the informal sector, which makes up roughly 85 percent of the country’s workforce.⁴³⁴ Addressing these gaps by strengthening and streamlining climate-and heat-specific protections; expanding legal coverage to the informal sector; and improving compliance through the establishment of stronger enforcement mechanisms will be necessarily components of credible and effective efforts to safeguard worker health in the face of rising temperatures.

The Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh

Labor law in Bangladesh is governed by a combination of policies, regulations, and enforcement mechanisms. The Constitution lays out several basic provisions relating to workers’ rights, including the right to be free from all forms of exploitation, the right to work at a reasonable wage with reasonable rest, and the right to freedom of association and to form trade unions.⁴³⁵

Bangladesh Labour Act

At the center of national labor law is the Bangladesh Labour Act (2006, amended 2013 and 2018), which is enforced through the Bangladesh Labour Rules (2015, amended 2022).⁴³⁷Together, these laws regulate occupational safety and health (OSH), wage payments, working hours, maternity benefits, and trade union rights.

The Bangladesh Labour Act includes specific provisions for temperature and ventilation in workplaces, requiring that employers maintain “reasonable conditions of comfort” and “adequate ventilation” to prevent injury to the health of workers.⁴³⁸ In keeping with these provisions, the government has the authority to set reasonable workplace temperature standards, though it has failed to do so to date. The government further has the authority to require the installation of thermometers for monitoring and to order various heat adaptation measures, such as insulating, painting surfaces with sun-reflective white paint to prevent heat absorption, or making structural modifications, like raising the height of a worksites’ roof.⁴³⁹ However, the government has not yet used its authority to set such standards.

The law also outlines minimum break and leave requirements, including paid leave for up to three days due to work stoppages caused by fires, catastrophes, power outages, or epidemics; 14 days of paid sick leave with medical certification; and a minimum one-hour break (or two half-hour breaks) for shifts lasting longer than eight hours.⁴⁴⁰ Notably, this break protection does not align with scientifically backed heat-protective work-rest ratios, and is far from enough to adequately protect workers from the combined heat and humidity extremes that often plague Dhaka in the hot season.

Bangladesh labor law further mandates purified potable drinking water and washroom facilities for all workers.⁴⁴¹ However, CRI documented numerous instances in which clean and safe provisions were not available to workers. For establishments employing over 250 workers, the law also requires that cold water be provided during the summer months, though CRI interviewed workers from large factories who reported that these standards were not being met.⁴⁴² Notably, though the Bangladesh Labour Rules require that employers provide oral rehydration therapy (ORT) to workers suffering from dehydration caused by working “near machineries creating excessive heat,” there is no similar requirement for workers experiencing dehydration due to ambient heat conditions.⁴⁴³

Additionally, the Labour Act requires that “every worker shall be made aware of the hazards of work through training in order to ensure the protection and safety of his professional health in the place of work.”⁴⁴⁴ Yet most of the workers interviewed for this report had not received formal training on heat risks or related occupational safety measures.

Among the protections that do exist, implementation is weak. CRI documented multiple violations of various labor laws, as detailed throughout this report. Even still, should the existing protections be fully enforced, they would be far from enough to protect workers, in part because employers and workers are not provided comprehensive safety training about heat-related risks, because the ratio of work to rest time is not enough for workers engaged in physical labor to adequately recover from the impacts of heat, and, critically, because the Bangladesh Labour Act does not apply to informal sector workers, leaving many construction, delivery, and rickshaw workers – all of whom are at high risk of heat stress – without legal protection.

National Occupational Safety and Health Policy

Additional occupational health and safety standards are outlined in the National Occupational Safety and Health (OSH) Policy (2013), which was designed to promote a safe and healthy working environment while also aiming to increase industrial productivity.⁴⁴⁵ Unlike the Bangladesh Labour Act, the OSH Policy applies to both the formal and informal sectors. Though the policy sets out to recognize and address emerging occupational health challenges, ensure training, identify and implement occupational health and safety measures for female workers, and ensure employer compliance with government guidelines, it does not directly create legal obligations, but rather outlines a series of objectives regarding workplace safety. Because of this – and because the objectives fail to mention minimum wage – informal workers in Bangladesh are left largely without wage protections.⁴⁴⁶ The policy also fails to explicitly mention climate, heat, or temperature, as do the National Plan of Action on Occupational Health and Safety (2021 – 2030) and the National Occupational Safety and Health Profile (2019) that outline efforts related to the 2013 policy.⁴⁴⁷

National Plan of Action on Occupational Safety and Health

Bangladesh’s National Plan of Action on Occupational Safety and Health (2021 – 2030) seeks to promote OSH activities by employers and workers; strengthen OSH inspection mechanisms to ensure compliance; extend OSH protections to the informal economy; strengthen occupational accident and injury reporting systems; and promote OSH research, education and training. However, it does not include any specific references or measures related to heat and/or climate change.

National Building Code

The Bangladesh National Building Code (2006, updated 2020) is a comprehensive policy that provides standards and regulations for building design and structural safety. The code includes general provisions for workplace safety measures during construction, such as protective fences and signage requirements, to protect both workers and the general public.⁴⁴⁸ The policy outlines temperature thresholds for laborers working in compressed air, citing that “no person shall be in a working chamber under pressure where the wet bulb temperature exceeds 29°C [84°F] measured by a thermometer using nontoxic materials,” but does not indicate any temperature threshold for other, non-specialized workers.⁴⁴⁹ Though the text includes a provision to keep paint and varnish containers, along with other materials, free from excessive heat, it does not include similar language to protect all workers.⁴⁵⁰ Notably, the code calls for the establishment of a new regulatory authority, the Bangladesh Building Regulatory Agency, to oversee enforcement. But as of 2024, the agency had not yet been established, and resources had not yet been assigned, which local legal experts argue has impeded effective implementation.⁴⁵¹

Other Labor Protections

Throughout its short history, Bangladesh has also introduced additional labor laws, such as the National Child Labour Elimination Policy (2010), which aims to protect children under 18 from hazardous labor. However, like the Bangladesh Labour Act, this policy fails to address labor abuses in the informal sector, where the majority of child workers are employed.⁴⁵² Moreover, there are obvious enforcement issues in the garment sector where the law does apply, as documented in this report.

National Guideline for Heat-Related Illness

Bangladesh’s National Guideline for Heat-Related Illness, developed in partnership with UNICEF, seeks to improve health system preparedness and promote community awareness and engagement. The guideline explicitly recognizes outdoor and manual workers, rickshaw pullers, construction workers, those working in indoor environments without adequate ventilation or mechanical cooling, and pregnant women as heat-vulnerable groups. The guideline emphasizes the importance of acclimatization for workers, noting that the process should take place over a period of seven to 14 days. The guideline further recommends enhanced risk communication and community engagement to reduce heat-related risks, including engagement with private sector partners, including large companies, and workers associations, like the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA). However, the guideline is completely voluntary in that it does not include an enforcement mechanism and does not require companies to take any actions, rather it simply makes recommendations that employers appear not to be following.

Climate Commitments

Bangladesh has developed several aspirational plans that include various actions to address the impacts of climate change, including heat. Still, Bangladesh continues to suffer from severe climate-related challenges, due in part to limitations in its capacity to address these impacts independently. Successful implementation of Bangladesh’s domestic climate plans will require substantial funding, including from the international community. Contributions and investments from international climate finance mechanisms and high-income countries, namely those most responsible for the climate crisis, will be critical to strengthen resilience and protect worker health and safety in the face of rising temperatures.

Paris Agreement

As a signatory to the 2015 Paris Agreement, Bangladesh – along with 196 other parties – has agreed to hold “the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels” and pursue “efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels.”⁴⁵³ As part of the agreement, countries are urged to “respect, promote, and consider their respective obligations on human rights” – including the right to health and the rights of people in vulnerable situations – when taking action to address climate change, as is outlined in the preamble of the text.⁴⁵⁴ The agreement’s preamble further acknowledges the imperatives of a just transition of the workforce and the creation of decent work and quality jobs in accordance with nationally defined development priorities.

Countries party to the Paris Agreement are required to submit Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) every five years outlining their plans to mitigate and adapt to climate change. Bangladesh’s 2021 NDC submission emphasized adaptation as a national priority.⁴⁵⁵

Under Article 7 of the Paris Agreement, “Parties acknowledge that adaptation action should follow a country-driven, gender-responsive, participatory and fully transparent approach, taking into consideration vulnerable groups, communities, and ecosystems.”⁴⁵⁶ Despite this, Bangladesh’s 2021 NDC does not include specific adaptation measures aimed at protecting the labor force. The country’s next NDC is due in 2025, but has not yet been submitted.

National Adaptation Plans

Bangladesh’s National Adaptation Plan (2023-2050) aims to reduce vulnerability to climate impacts and to protect the most marginalized communities.⁴⁵⁷ The document identifies heatwaves as a major threat, especially to urban areas, and makes reference to heat-related productivity losses among workers. It specifically recognizes informal workers in large cities as “highly vulnerable to climate change impacts.”

The plan calls for stronger adaptation measures for vulnerable groups, including training for alternative livelihoods and climate-resilient jobs; ad-hoc cash transfers during and after disasters; accessible early-warning systems; and innovative initiatives like “government-subsidized, insurance-based risk recovery mechanisms” for disproportionately impacted and vulnerable small businesses and informal sector stakeholders.⁴⁵⁸ The document further proposes a range of heat-specific adaptation strategies for urban areas, including heat island and temperature monitoring, the installation of sheds in urban areas with improved and gender-sensitive WASH facilities for reducing heat stress, and urban landscaping through green infrastructure to reduce the urban heat island effect and improve human health and discomfort.⁴⁵⁹

However, the plan’s execution has been criticized by some climate experts, including researchers at the London School of Economics Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment, for ineffective coordination, lack of capacity of government institutions, and limited financial backing from the international community.⁴⁶⁰

In addition, the plan categorizes the apparel industry as only “low to moderately vulnerable” to climate change and heat stress, and does not advance any adaptation measures aimed at apparel workers.

Mujib Climate Prosperity Plan

The Mujib Climate Prosperity Plan (2022-2041) is a non-binding strategic framework intended to guide Bangladesh’s actions on climate adaptation. The plan acknowledges the need for “increasing protective measures against the rising workplace heat that exposes indoor and outdoor workers to severe health and productivity risks.”⁴⁶¹ As part of this plan, the government has committed to implementing efforts with an eye toward upskilling, or providing training for unskilled workers, so that vulnerable workers will have more opportunities in a just transition. Interestingly, the plan includes garment and textile manufacturing jobs as those to which workers can be “upskilled.” None of the workers we interviewed were aware of government-backed upskilling efforts.

The plan also prioritizes built-environment adaptation as a key climate measure. It supports insulation, ventilation, energy efficiency, and air conditioning for buildings, “especially workplaces,” as strategies that can help to reduce heat-related losses and improve working conditions.

Bangladesh National Cooling Plan

The Bangladesh National Cooling Plan (BNCP) for the Implementation of the Montreal Protocol was developed in recognition of cooling as a sustainable development need.⁴⁶² It highlights the need to provide “sustainable cooling and thermal comfort for all, while securing environmental and socio-economic benefits for society,” and further emphasizes the way in which this goal is critical to the achievement of various Sustainable Development Goals, including good health and well-being, decent work and economic growth, and climate action. The plan specifically calls out the manufacturing industry for lack of efficiency due to outdated and “poorly maintained machines and poor energy management,” and estimates that the energy efficiency and conservation potential of the industry is around 21 percent of the entire sector’s consumption.⁴⁶³ Because industry accounts for about half of Bangladesh’s primary energy consumption, efficiency and conservation efforts under the plan could reduce the economy’s total demand by almost ten percent.⁴⁶⁴

However, the plan is only a roadmap and does not include legally-binding measures.

Climate Action Plans for Dhaka North, South

Newly published Climate Action Plans for Dhaka City North and South commit to a wide range of initiatives designed to address heat challenges across the city. These plans call out both the transportation industry and the informal sector as particularly vulnerable areas.⁴⁶⁵ They include provisions to develop a Heat Action Plan and early warning systems, as well as to invest in green urban infrastructure like cool roofs and green roofs.⁴⁶⁶ Further, they outline plans to provide cooling shelters and drinking water facilities for people who work outside, specifically naming both rickshaw pullers and construction workers.⁴⁶⁷ The plans also seek to implement pilot projects to promote climate-responsible measures in affordable and informal housing.⁴⁶⁸ The Dhaka North City Corporation plan explicitly identifies the need to address intensifying electricity demand to protect the textile industry.⁴⁶⁹

Successful implementation of these plans will require significant investment. Both plans clearly state that many of the proposed efforts are conditional upon funding from international sources and aid from donor agencies.

VIII. Poor Enforcement, Inadequate Protection, and Exclusion of the Informal Majority

Despite the various laws, plans, and commitments that have been put in place by the Bangladesh government, Climate Rights International found that current protections are largely ineffective, as workers clearly continue to suffer in the heat. Central to this issue is the apparent lack of enforcement of existing regulations; the extremely limited protections that apply to informal workers in this context; and the broader lack of coordination across government agencies. Climate Rights International found no clear evidence that temperature regulations or other heat-specific occupational health and safety measures were being systematically enforced. Only one of the workers interviewed reported temperature monitoring in their workplace.

These challenges are compounded by the fact that grievance mechanisms for workers in Bangladesh regarding climate change and environmental concerns are largely ineffective. According to recent research published by the Bangladesh Institute of Labor Studies, environmental grievance mechanisms in garment factories are ineffective roughly 70 percent of the time, as evaluated via a series of ten indicators including measures related to legal standing, responsible authorities, worker awareness, and worker utilization.⁴⁷⁰The study also found that adaptation initiatives for garment workers in factories are largely inadequate or, worse, nonexistent.⁴⁷¹ These issues are further exacerbated by irregular inspections and weak penalties and/or sanctions, all of which result in numerous violations of workers’ rights.⁴⁷²

Even within voluntary heat adaptation programs, compliance rates appear to be low. Among garment factories in Dhaka that participated in the International Labour Organization’s Better Work Program for Bangladesh – focused on “promoting decent work, women’s empowerment, and inclusive economic growth” – temperature monitoring and reporting was inconsistent and likely flawed.⁴⁷³ Of the factories that participated, only three percent reported temperature violations throughout the entire duration of the program, despite high seasonal temperature extremes and a widespread lack of effective cooling mechanisms. Notably, that same year, nearly 17 percent of factories that voluntarily participated in the program failed temperature inspections, highlighting gaps in compliance.⁴⁷⁴

Climate Rights International spoke with Md. Towhidur Rahman, President of the Bangladesh Apparel Workers Federation, who explained: “In Bangladesh, we have commitments, we have protective policies for [formal sector] workers. But in practice, it’s not happening. Accountability is not happening.”

Moumita Das Gupta, a research fellow at the Center for Climate Justice, Bangladesh and an advocate practicing in the Supreme Court, echoed similar sentiments in reference to the country’s national climate adaptation plans: “We have plenty of beautiful policy documents, but there is a big gap in implementation.” Das Gupta attributed this gap to ineffective budget allocation systems that fail to incorporate the needs of marginalized groups.

Enforcement, though, is not the only challenge. Beyond widespread implementation issues, there exist fundamental management gaps in workplace safety in Dhaka and around the country, in particular as it relates to climate-and heat-specific protections. Alarmingly, heat and other protections outlined in the Bangladesh Labour Act apply to only 15 percent of workers in the country. Informal sector workers, who comprise almost 85 percent of the country’s workforce, are largely excluded from labor protections, including those related to climate-specific risks.⁴⁷⁵ And across all sectors, there do not exist any legally enforceable or temperature-dependent work-to-rest ratios, acclimatization requirements for new workers, or financial protections for heat-related productivity losses. These challenges are compounded by the fact that Dhaka has yet to develop a Heat Action Plan, though one is expected to be released by 2030.⁴⁷⁶

Moreover, there does not currently exist a central authority responsible for the implementation of climate and heat safety in Bangladesh, across either the workforce or the general population. This is compounded by the broader lack of cross-coordination in planning across government ministries, as is illustrated by the fact that the Bangladesh National Plan of Action on Occupational Health and Safety (2021 – 2030) does not contain any reference to climate change and makes no specific provisions for climate-related protections. And while the Arsht-Rockefeller Center for Climate Resilience has made forward progress by supporting the appointment of a Chief Heat Officer for Dhaka North, the position is not currently staffed due to political challenges.

Given these significant gaps, current labor and related climate protections in Bangladesh appear largely aspirational in that they fail to safeguard the majority of the workforce and ultimately leave workers unprotected and vulnerable to heat-related occupational harms.

IX. Corporate Responsibility and the Role of International Companies and Brands

Heat-Related Risks in Global Supply Chains

Climate impacts on labor rights in Bangladesh are not just a domestic issue. As globalization has driven businesses and supply chains to operate across borders, worker exploitation and workers’ rights have, too, become global issues that require a multinational response.

CRI interviewed multiple workers employed by, or working in factories producing goods for, international corporations. This report is not about any one company in particular, but instead aims to highlight the ways in which corporate actors and consumers in high-income countries can increase climate pressures and occupational health and safety risks for workers in developing countries.⁴⁷⁷

The Garment Industry

International companies and brands play a well-established role in driving environmental harms and labor rights violations across global supply chains. In the garment industry, the entire fast fashion model relies on overconsumption and feeds off a well-documented cycle of abuses.⁴⁷⁸ When international buyers pressure suppliers into unfair agreements using unsustainable purchasing practices, for example, it can push suppliers to engage in “price squeezing” by cutting prices and speeding up production timelines.⁴⁷⁹ These practices require workers to work harder and faster, often for less pay, and can further “limit the capital that suppliers have available for investment into improved environmental sustainability,” including improved working conditions and workplace climate adaptation measures.⁴⁸⁰ Other common issues relating to purchasing practices – including “inaccurate order forecasting, price pressures, inadequate lead time and disproportionate financial risk and liability for suppliers” – can similarly contribute to increased work intensity, which not only increases the risk from heat, but can also increase the risk of violence and harassment for workers.⁴⁸¹

Some workers shared how these types of purchasing practices and intensive production timelines lead to abuses at work, including forced overtime and refusal of time off. Vibha and Kalpana, both garment workers, explained:

When the brands put pressure on management, they also pressure us to complete [the] production.⁴⁸²

Certain buyers [create] a lot of conditions that [have an] affect on workers. For example, maintain[ing] high quality … requires more time to finish the target, but the management does not allow us additional time. It creates extra pressure on workers.⁴⁸³

Keya, an older factory helper in Baishteki, explained that these practices can be particularly difficult in high temperatures:

Many workers become impatient during extremely hot days if the workload increases or additional work hours are added. [The] factory authority does not allow workers [to] request for days or hours off when [the] date of shipment is close by. In this situation, almost all the people face hardship in the heat.⁴⁸⁴

Another garment worker, Shuvo, shared similar experiences, though he noted these practices were most common among smaller buyers:

When buyers pressure us for faster deliveries, the line chief [or] supervisor pressure us and deny leave and demand rushed work.⁴⁸⁵

Though some brands try to control for harms by conducting buyers’ visits to factories in their supply chains, some workers mentioned changes and preparations for these visits designed to placate buyers and mask the reality of their working conditions. Workers mentioned additional cleaning and preparations that take place ahead of buyers’ visits, particularly in the case of visits from foreign buyers:

Almost all buyers’ visits are important. Particularly, when large foreign buyers visit our factory, [the] authority informs all sections about the buyer’s visit. Everyone puts effort to clean and manage their place neat and clean.⁴⁸⁶

Farjana, another garment worker, agreed. She shared that during the buyer’s visits, she and her colleagues could not relax their dress codes to cool in the heat as they would typically do when buyers were not present:

When the buyers visit, then we have to wear [a] mask and cover our heads. If the buyer [is] gone, then we can put off the apron. Or [if] there is no buyer’s visit, then we don’t wear [our] aprons.⁴⁸⁷

Others shared that on days when a representative visits the factory, they were not asked to work as hard, and that the intensity of their work was purposefully reduced. Mishti, a label sewing operator in the Senpara neighborhood, explained:

The factory authority inform [workers] beforehand about [a] buyer’s visit. We all clean our working tables [and] surrounding area. We work systematically. As a result, overall production [is] reduced on the buyer’s visiting day.⁴⁸⁸

In some cases, buyers use visits to ask workers directly about their workplace conditions. But notably, the workers with whom CRI spoke repeatedly mentioned being warned about these questions in advance and pressured not to disclose, or even to lie about, poor conditions or misconduct. As Kalpana put it, “sometimes [the buyers] ask if workers face abuse, and we deny it.”⁴⁸⁹ Mishti explained in more detail:

Some buyers from the USA and China, along with their representatives, inquire about misconduct and abuse in the workplace. They randomly ask workers whether factory officials or supervisors mistreat us. However, our supervisors warn us not to share any such incidents with buyers or their representatives.⁴⁹⁰

As one worker put it, “sharing any internal issue [with the buyer] is forbidden.”⁴⁹¹

Even when workers were not explicitly asked to keep quiet, Keya noted that many workers withheld the truth out of the fear:

Some buyers privately ask workers about how the management staff behaves, whether snacks are provided during overtime, the number of overtime hours… Of course, our supervisor and line chief brief us about everything before the buyer’s arrival. No one tell the entire true story to these buyers. Everyone fear about their job …⁴⁹²

Climate Rights International spoke with multiple workers who regularly supplied buyers in the USA, European Union, Canada, and sometimes Russia. At least two workers, Purnima and Sufia, reported supplying New Look, a UK-based global fashion retailer.⁴⁹³ New Look has previously been criticized for alleged labor rights abuses in the garment sector and related inaction, though CRI has not independently verified these claims.⁴⁹⁴ While New Look has committed to a number of environmental and social initiatives to improve responsible business and has recognized that “social sustainability and business continuity planning needs to consider the effects of warming and natural capital on working conditions,” the company’s environment and human rights policies and most recent ESG and sustainability report fail to include any active measures to reduce temperatures in the workplace or protect workers from excess heat, though the company claims to be working on integrating heat stress prevention measures into future policies.⁴⁹⁵

The same two workers who reported supplying New Look indicated that they believe their factories also supply VF Corporation – the multi-billion dollar US-based parent company of brands like The North Face, Timberland, Dickies, and Vans.⁴⁹⁶ VF has previously been linked to a number of alleged labor rights abuses in Asia, though CRI did not independently verify these claims.⁴⁹⁷ One of the suppliers that these workers named, Mid Asia Group, also lists themselves as a supplier for brands including Kohl’s, Sears and Kmart, and Aldi, though the workers did not independently name these brands, and CRI has not been able to independently confirm that they do so.

Both workers were paid overtime, had access to clean and safe bathrooms and medical care at work, and one indicated that she had received heat-specific safety training.⁴⁹⁸ Sufia reported that VF was particularly strict about harassment and abuse and that working conditions had therefore improved in recent years.⁴⁹⁹

Still, both workers shared that the heat was problematic and that it negatively affected their work and their health, one of whom noted that she had seen colleagues faint in the heat:

During extreme heat, some of my colleagues experience serious problems, such as feeling dizzy, nausea, fainting, or even collapsing on the factory floor.⁵⁰⁰

A third worker, Kalpana, who also reported working in a Mid Asia Group factory, but did not explicitly name any brands, also explained that current heat protection measures were not enough:

There are fans in the factory, many big fans. Large windows and exhaust fans run, too. Despite these, the heat can still be overwhelming at times. But there is no additional measure to protect workers from the extreme heat by the factory management.⁵⁰¹

Both Purnima and Sufia shared that they regularly work between 10 and 11 hours per day and that the intensity of their work did not change in hot conditions, nor were they allowed additional or longer breaks in hot conditions unless they were feeling ill.⁵⁰² Purnima mentioned that this led her not to drink enough water on the job so that she would not to have to use the bathroom as frequently:

I don’t drink water due to work pressure.⁵⁰³

She also added:

If the brands or companies can know the heat problem of the workers, then maybe they will take some necessary actions to solve these issues.⁵⁰⁴

CRI also interviewed two workers, Vibha and Shuvo, who reported that they work in factories supplying both H&M and C&A, two well-known multinational European clothing retailers.⁵⁰⁵ Shuvo shared that his factory was also supplying Springfield, a subsidiary of Tendam, a multi-billion dollar Spanish fashion retailer.⁵⁰⁶ H&M Group – the parent company of H&M, COS, ARKET, and & Other Stories – is the largest buyer of Bangladeshi garments globally. According to reports from Textile Focus, a bi-monthly magazine that reports about the global apparel industry, H&M Group purchased $2.59 billion worth of garments from over 200 factories in Bangladesh in the 2023 – 2024 fiscal year. The same magazine reported that C&A sourced over 50% of their garments from Bangladesh in 2022, and that the average price paid per piece was $3.62.⁵⁰⁷ CRI did not independently verify these findings. Both H&M and C&A are currently involved in separate legal actions relating to accusations of environmental and/or labor rights abuses.⁵⁰⁸ Tendam has been accused of labor rights abuses in its garment factories in Myanmar, but has yet to respond to the allegations.⁵⁰⁹ CRI did not verify any of the previous claims against these corporations.

Neither Vibha or Shuvo reported having received training about how to protect themselves in the heat, and both shared that the high temperatures negatively affected their work, sometimes causing them to fall ill.⁵¹⁰ Though these workers shared that they did have access to safe water and bathrooms, neither had regular access to cold water.⁵¹¹ Vibha shared that though she drank two or three liters of water during her shifts, she did not feel it was enough to keep her hydrated.

Shuvo shared that his factory “doesn’t take any special measures” in the heat.⁵¹² When asked if his workload would change at all in hot conditions, he replied:

No, nothing changes because of the heat. I still have to complete my assigned target myself. No change in my hours and type of tasks due to heat.⁵¹³

Shuvo further explained that the exhaust fans in his factory were not enough to cool the air, especially near the ironing section, where steam contributed to excess heat. Shuvo told CRI that his section was not allowed extra fans, even in the heat, because “too many fans or [too much] airflow could interfere with the work.”⁵¹⁴ Both Shuvo and Vibha were paid overtime.⁵¹⁵

Another worker, Chaaya, reported that she worked in factories she believed were producing clothing for the brand George’s, Walmart’s flagship clothing line, New Yorker, a multi-billion dollar fashion line based in Germany, and Primark, another multinational fashion brand based in Ireland. All three corporations have previously been accused of labor rights abuses in Asia, though CRI did not independently verify these claims.⁵¹⁶ A supplier Chaaya reported working for, IDS Group, also supplies for brands like Zara and Bershka. Climate Rights International was able to confirm this information with Inditex, the parent company of both brands.⁵¹⁷

Chaaya was the only worker interviewed by CRI who reported temperature monitoring systems in her factory.⁵¹⁸ She shared that she had access to clean and safe water, toilets, and medical treatment at work, and that she was paid overtime. She also reported having attended a training about how to protect herself from the heat about four or five years ago. In extreme conditions, Chaaya reported that she could request an extra table fan. Still, she noted that these resources were not enough, and that she continued to experience physical health impacts from the heat:

When the heat gets extreme, I feel restless, exhausted, and tired – and also sweat a lot. I have dizziness and nause[a] when [the] temperature increases too much. In May [of] last year, I had severe vomiting … and vomited [at work].⁵¹⁹

Another worker, Baira, also indicated that she worked in an IDS Group factory, though she did not explicitly name any brands. Like Chaaya, Baira recounted experiencing adverse health impacts in the heat, despite the measures her factory was taking:

I can remember the last difficult summer. I experienced headaches, dizziness, restlessness, nausea, and fatigue.⁵²⁰

Though Baira indicated that she never missed work due to heat-related illness in the hot season, she explained that some of her colleagues had:

Some of my colleagues became seriously ill during that time, experiencing fever and diarrhea.⁵²¹

When asked if her workload changed at all in the heat, Baira responded:

There is no change in our work, even on unbearably hot days … the workload remains the same … in the extremely hot [conditions], we all suffer.⁵²²

According to an investigation done by Prothom Alo, one of the largest newspapers in Bangladesh, Walmart purchased $400 million worth of garments from Bangladesh in the 2023 – 2024 fiscal year.⁵²³ CRI did not independently verify these findings.

Climate Rights International wrote to international fashion brands Aldi, C&A, Inditex (Zara, Bershka), H&M, Kohl’s, Mango, Primark, PVH Corp. (Tommy Hilfiger), New Look, New Yorker, Tendam (Springfield), Transformco (Sears, Kmart), VF Corporation, and Walmart prior to the publication of his report, all of which reportedly source from factories in Dhaka. Seven companies – H&M, Inditex (Zara, Bershka), Mango, New Look, Tendam, PVH Corp. (Tommy Hilfiger) and Walmart – responded to our requests for comment, and some of those comments are reflected in this report. Copies of all correspondence can be found in the appendix.

International Responses to Heat Risks in the Garment Sector

According to 2023 data published by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), the fashion industry produces about ten percent of global carbon emissions annually, which is equivalent to more than the emissions from all international flights and maritime shipping combined.⁵²⁴As fast fashion continues to grow, greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from the industry are projected to increase.⁵²⁵ Some estimates suggest fashion emissions may rise by over 50 percent by 2030.⁵²⁶

The primary export destination for Bangladesh’s garment exports is the European Union, which accounts for around half of all RMG exports. The United States is the largest single country export destination, buying 17 percent of Bangladesh’s RMG exports, followed by the United Kingdom at 11 percent in 2023.⁵²⁷ Together, these countries purchase over three-quarters of all Bangladeshi garment exports.⁵²⁸ As such, a large part of the responsibility to reduce climate-related risks to workers falls on buyers, and consumers, in these regions. This includes the responsibility for US-operated businesses not to use tariff increases imposed on Bangladesh by the US government as a justification to reduce what they pay suppliers for those garments.

As the global fashion industry slowly attempts to grapple with the climate crisis, in part by ramping up environmental, social, and governance (ESG) initiatives, glaring gaps remain in corporate climate and sustainability efforts. A recent analysis of 65 fashion brands by the Business and Human Rights Resource Center exposed a serious blind spot: across all corporate climate and ESG planning, not a single company set a target framed around minimizing climate impacts on workers.⁵²⁹ Only one company, Inditex, had a standalone climate strategy that mentioned workers.⁵³⁰ The same analysis found that only four companies have published detailed supply chain guidance about protecting workers from heat stress. Only two of the 65 companies – VF Corporation and Canada Goose – currently mention climate impacts on the livelihoods of supply chain workers.⁵³¹ None of the companies mentioned consultations with trade unions in the development of their climate targets.⁵³²

Integrating Heat Standards into Supply Chain Codes of Conduct

Still, some international fashion brands are attempting to take responsibility by seeking to address heat risks across their supply chains. VF Corporation, for example, has embedded heat protections into their supplier code of conduct, or “Global Compliance Principles.” These standards include mandated rest breaks in high temperatures and instructions for manufacturers to avoid temperatures above 35°C (95°F), though they include more relaxed standards for “unusually hot countries.”⁵³³ However, the workers with whom we spoke did not appear to be aware of these provisions. In addition to temperature-specific standards, VF’s facility requirements also require that workers have uncontrolled access to “drinking water and toilet facilities” on the job.⁵³⁴ Despite these standards, however, the workers who reported working in factories supplying VF said the heat was problematic enough that workers still sometimes “collapse on the factory floor.”⁵³⁵

While guidelines incorporating heat standards for suppliers will be a first step for brands across the industry, these types of standards could be made stronger with the inclusion of science-backed work-to-rest ratios; provisions for additional breaks in hot weather; more robust enforcement and accountability mechanisms; and the incorporation of requirements to share real-time data from production areas to track compliance, as has been highlighted by researchers at Cornell University’s Global Labor Institute.⁵³⁶

In response to CRI’s request for comment, H&M indicated that it has developed a health and safety guideline for suppliers that identifies both heat and high humidity as potential workplace hazards.⁵³⁷ H&M indicated that the guideline will be launched soon. While certainly a positive first step, H&M reported that it recommends “taking local legal limits for maximum temperature for working into account,” which Bangladesh has yet to establish.⁵³⁸

Though other brands named in this report indicated that their codes of conduct – and/or other workplace safety and supply chain due diligence efforts – include provisions related to ensuring a safe and healthy working environment, credible efforts to address climate-risks to workers will require brands to explicitly name heat risks in these policies, and to explicitly address these risks via meaningful monitoring and enforcement mechanisms.

Third-Party Oversight

Other approaches by brands to manage worker safety include third-party audit systems. These types of social audits, or private inspections, and related certifications have taken off in recent years as brands and retailers increasingly face public pressure to ensure that their supply chains are not the source of human rights abuses or environmental harms.⁵⁴⁰ These types of auditing initiatives essentially create voluntary standards or codes of conduct that are defined either by third parties or brands themselves. According to recent research by Human Rights Watch, although the exact revenue “generated by the social audits and certification industry is difficult to assess, the auditing industry itself estimates it at least at US$300 million annually.”⁵⁴¹

Though audits can be an effective way to assess, monitor, and address workplace safety risks, they often lack enforcement mechanisms and can be manipulated relatively easily. Researchers in various countries have repeatedly uncovered deceptive reporting tactics and other efforts intended to hide findings that won’t reflect well on companies or suppliers.⁵⁴² CRI’s research, for example, found that workers often prepare for factory visits and are encouraged to remain quiet or even lie about workplace conditions and abuses.

These problems are unfortunately representative of a broader pattern in the industry. Transparentem, for example, an NGO that conducts investigative research in global labor chains, claims to have uncovered evidence of audit deception at “most worksites included in its disclosed investigations” between 2019 and 2021, including over 20 garment factories across different countries in Asia.⁵⁴³ Recent research published by Cornell University’s Global Labor Institute found that in Vietnam third-party certifiers typically record early-morning temperatures, when factories tend to be cooler. Some observers shared that they had never seen a third-party-reported temperature above the government threshold 32°C (90°F) threshold applied for ‘medium’ work in apparel production, despite the country’s subtropical climate and the extreme heatwaves Vietnam has experienced in recent years.⁵⁴⁴ In Cambodia, Cornell’s research found that some factories operate under warehouse permits as opposed to registering as factories to exploit lower requirements for ventilation measures.⁵⁴⁵ Other research has found that the broader lack of transparency associated with these types of checks leaves open questions about accuracy, quality, and trust.⁵⁴⁶

One of the brands named in this report, Tendam, told Climate Rights International that it works with a social audit program called AMFORI to “promote responsible production through practices that improve supply chain management and minimize risk.” The Spanish fashion label, Mango, also reported working with this group.⁵⁴⁷ AMFORI is an industry group started by the Foreign Trade Association in Europe. According to reporting by Clean Clothes Campaign, a worker-led network of unions and labor rights organizations, AMFORI was responsible for auditing factories involved in the 2012 Tazreen Fire, the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster, and the 2017 Multifabs garment factory boiler explosion.⁵⁴⁸ The group’s lack of transparency has been a repeated issue raised by human rights researchers, who claim that AMFORI’s Business Social Compliance Initiative (BSCI) does not publicly disclose the names or locations of facilities that participate in their audits.⁵⁴⁹ Though AMFORI does not explicitly include heat, temperature, or humidity in its code of conduct, these hazards are mentioned in the associated “interpretation guidelines” used by the company.⁵⁵⁰ However, the group indicates relevant standards are defined by national law, which we know is weak in Bangladesh on workplace heat protections.

Other brands named in this report outsource some of their garment factory safety oversight to Nirapon, an industry-led nonprofit that developed out of the Alliance for Bangladesh Worker Safety after the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster. Though it does not directly conduct audits, the organization partners with member companies – including VF Corporation and Walmart – and participating factories to “help create sustainable safety systems,” with a focus on building and fire safety. Their services include site visits to provide guidance to factories on safety management, educational programming on workplace safety for managers and workers, and the provision of an anonymous helpline through which workers can report safety and other issues. Though Nirapon’s blog acknowledges that it sees occupational heat as an emerging threat, it is not clear what steps it takes to address it. Notably, Nirapon does not publicly identify factories that fail to meet safety standards, and does not directly deal with labor rights abuses.⁵⁵¹ Partner brands enrolled in Nirapon have been criticized, as they are not required to play a role in ensuring factory safety hazards can be financially addressed by factory owners.⁵⁵² Critics claim that Nirapon only provides education and guidance, and does nothing to directly control risk.⁵⁵³

Nirapon has faced repeated backlash in recent years, including a temporary ban imposed by the Supreme Court of Bangladesh, as local activists have argued that the organization has increased the financial burden placed on factories and complicated national efforts on safety in the garment sector. Following the ban, Nirapon moved its operations to North America. Groups like the Clean Clothes Campaign and the International Labour Rights Forum argue that Nirapon’s voluntary nature and lack of transparency result in inadequate enforcement, and that only legally-binding and enforceable agreements will effectively protect workers.⁵⁵⁴ Kalpona Akter, founder and executive director of the Bangladesh Centre for Worker Solidarity (BCWS), has been quoted by the Clean Clothes Campaign criticizing Nirapon: “There are too many brands out there that keep on hiding … behind non-transparent industry programmes like Nirapon that are not trusted by the workers. Brands’ self regulation has never saved our workers’ lives.”⁵⁵⁵

The evidence shows that worker safety simply can’t be improved by organizations that workers don’t trust, and effective climate adaptation can’t happen without financial backing from brands.⁵⁵⁶ Ultimately, transparent and enforceable brand agreements that take a holistic approach to protecting workers from the impacts of climate change – including by incorporating engineering, administrative, and personal protective equipment controls in the workplace, providing the financial support necessary to implement these interventions, and more broadly committing to support workers’ rights – will be necessary to reduce heat risks across the industry.⁵⁵⁷

The Gig Economy

International businesses also play a role in the transportation industry in Bangladesh, as many of the country’s most popular food delivery apps are owned and operated by foreign companies. Though gig jobs for online food delivery platforms can help provide opportunities for quick entry into the labor market, they are often unstable, poorly paid, and come with few benefits, exposing workers to both financial and occupational risks.⁵⁵⁸ Emerging evidence has found that these types of employment arrangements can increase climate vulnerabilities, including because heat exposure in these industries is high, and because many workers lack insurance and safety protections.⁵⁵⁹ Delivery riders in Dhaka and elsewhere face a broad array of risks, including customer disputes, traffic accidents, and environmental exposures, including heat.⁵⁶⁰

CRI interviewed at least two workers employed by foodpanda, the largest online food and grocery delivery platform in Asia outside of China. The company, which operates in 500 cities across five continents, is headquartered in Singapore and owned by Delivery Hero, which operates out of Berlin. Foodpanda, like many rideshare and delivery app companies around the world, classifies workers as independent contractors.⁵⁶¹ This classification can allow corporations to circumvent labor laws requiring pay, safety, health, and health care protections.⁵⁶² Though the app was named one of the Best Places to Work by employees in 2024, it is unclear whether this ranking considered input from contracted employees, or if it is simply indicative of the views of corporate employees, rather than the independent contractors who make up the majority of foodpanda’s workforce.⁵⁶³

Both foodpanda delivery riders interviewed by CRI reported feeling ill at work due to the hot conditions, and neither worker received any training about how to protect themselves from heat.⁵⁶⁴ And though workers can technically set their own hours, they mentioned that it was challenging to take breaks due to their financial needs. Kaavi, a young foodpanda worker, described the heat as “unbearable,” but said he had to continue working in the heat because he needed more money.⁵⁶⁵ Hiran, another foodpanda worker, mentioned that the company had recently reduced his salary.⁵⁶⁶ Kaavi also shared that his supervisor regularly yells at his colleagues, and that he is also treated poorly by customers.⁵⁶⁷

Foodpanda has made public environmental and social governance commitments throughout Asia, including pledges to invest in worker safety and operational sustainability. Many of these commitments were outlined in the organization’s inaugural 2021 Social Impact Report.⁵⁶⁸ Similarly, foodpanda’s parent company, Delivery Hero, has also implemented a Human Rights Surveillance System to identify and mitigate risks in its operational supply chains.⁵⁶⁹

In its Third Party Code of Conduct, Human Rights Policy, and Human Rights Statement, the company commits to upholding international human rights standards, including various ILO labor conventions, as well as the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.⁵⁷⁰ Delivery Hero states that it prioritizes living wages, respect for freedom of association, and occupational health and safety as particularly sensitive areas in this context of its operations.⁵⁷¹ However, it is unclear whether these commitments translate into tangible protections for delivery riders in the context of climate change. And although foodpanda claims to provide safety training workshops, interviews suggest that current heat safety protocols are insufficient.

Climate Rights International wrote to foodpanda and its parent company, Delivery Hero, prior to the publication of this report. Copies of all correspondence, including Delivery Hero’s response, can be found in the appendix.

International Responses to Heat Risks in the Gig Economy

As extreme heat becomes an increasingly widespread occupational hazard, some food delivery platforms in other countries have started to implement protective measures for their workers.

In India, for example, food delivery platforms Swiggy and Zomato have introduced cooling stations with water and rest areas for their workers.⁵⁷³

In other countries, governments have intervened. During the summer of 2023, authorities in Greece and Cyprus, both of which experienced record-breaking temperatures that summer, mandated delivery service pauses during the hottest hours of the day to protect workers from extreme temperatures.⁵⁷⁴Though a potentially positive step, these types of measures can impose financial burdens on workers unless they are able to access some form of insurance or compensation during paused work hours. In the absence of government mandates, some companies have issued guidance to riders about how to proceed in hot conditions.⁵⁷⁵

In Bangladesh, gig workers, including foodpanda delivery riders, continue to work in hazardous heat conditions with minimal protections.⁵⁷⁶ International delivery platforms should implement specific heat safety measures, including mandatory training, hydration stations, and financial support for riders affected by extreme temperatures.⁵⁷⁷ Without these protections, riders will continue to face preventable health risks while multinational companies profit from their labor.

The economic pressures faced by gig workers further complicate these issues. As some companies begin introducing additional fees for delivery when local temperatures rise above 35ºC (95ºF) in order to better compensate workers, researchers are increasingly sharing concerns, claiming that these measures offer incentives for drivers to increase their exposure to climate-related risks.⁵⁷⁸ Conversely, in-app surge pricing, which is increasingly being used by various app delivery services when demand for food delivery surges during extreme weather events, rarely results in increased income for workers.⁵⁷⁹ A January 2025 study found that in some cities in Asia, while workers received more orders per hour during heatwaves, delivery delays increased by over 20 percent due to widespread demand.⁵⁸⁰ These delays limit the number of orders a rider can take, and in some apps, result in financial penalties for workers. Moreover, continued heat exposure and long working hours together create severe health risks that largely outweigh any short-term financial benefits.⁵⁸¹ As the study’s authors noted in an article for the Harvard Business Review, the dangers of heat-related illnesses “far exceed any additional income they earn during heat waves.”⁵⁸²

Ultimately, the onus is on companies to better protect gig workers.⁵⁸³ Without stronger protections, gig workers both in Dhaka and around the world will continue to face precarious employment structures, increased climate vulnerability, and unnecessary risks to their health and livelihoods.⁵⁸⁴

Global Supply Chains in the Construction Industry

Most of the construction workers interviewed by CRI were working on small projects and/or employed by local businesses and organizations, including Dhaka City Corporation. However, CRI acknowledges that the global construction industry operates across country borders, and that tight margins, multi-level contracting, dangerous work, the exploitation of migrant laborers – in combination with increasingly hazardous climate exposures – can contribute to increased occupational health risks for workers in this sector. Construction workers are comparatively more likely to experience occupational health harms than are workers in other industries, and 22 percent of construction workers globally have experienced harm in the workplace in the past two years.⁵⁸⁵

* * * * *

Some governments, including those in Asia, have established broader standards for heat protection in the workplace to better protect all types of workers within their jurisdictions. In Vietnam and Thailand, for example, labor law sets out clear temperature thresholds depending on workload.⁵⁸⁶ In Vietnam, these standards also provide for paid breaks, paid sick leave, pay during force majeure work stoppages, and the right to halt dangerous work.⁵⁸⁷ In China, employers are required to conduct training on heat-related illnesses, provide rest areas, provide free, cool drinks, and reduce working hours or suspend operations if workplaces reach specific thresholds. If workplaces are unable to keep workplaces below certain limits, employers are required to compensate workers with high-temperature subsidies.⁵⁸⁸ In Japan, where employers are required by law to implement heat-protection protocols, the government recently announced new legislation introducing potential fines of 500,000 yen ($3,475) for insufficient heat provisions.⁵⁸⁹

Moving forward, companies should look to worker-driven social responsibility (WSR) frameworks, which place workers at the center of labor rights protection efforts, to help lead the way.⁵⁹⁰ Importantly, this model has already had some success in Bangladesh, as illustrated by the development of The Accord on Fire and Building Safety that followed the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster.⁵⁹¹ And some WSR initiatives are already integrating heat protections for workers, as has been seen in the agricultural sector via the Fair Food Program (FFP).⁵⁹² Though FFP currently operates only in the Americas and the UK, there are plans underway to expand the program to other regions. These examples underscore the potential for WSR to be applied to climate vulnerabilities both in Dhaka and beyond.

X. Human Rights Responsibilities of Companies

As rising temperatures increasingly threaten the health, safety, and livelihoods of workers in Dhaka and across Bangladesh, companies operating in the country and sourcing from its supply chains have a responsibility to prevent and address human rights harms, including climate-related harms, linked to their business activities.

UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights

The UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs), endorsed by the UN Human Rights Council in 2011, established internationally recognized standards for business and state responsibilities related to preventing and addressing human rights abuses linked to business activities.⁵⁹³ The Guiding Principles mandate that businesses avoid causing or contributing to human rights abuses through their activities and ”take appropriate steps” to address any adverse impacts that arise. This obligation extends to foreseeable human rights risks linked to climate change, as explicitly indicated by the Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises in 2023.⁵⁹⁴

Under the framework established by the Guiding Principles, businesses are required to “seek to prevent or mitigate adverse human rights impacts that are directly linked to their operations, products or services by their business relationships.”⁵⁹⁵ This applies even in the instance that they have not contributed to those impacts.⁵⁹⁶ To fulfill these responsibilities, companies must implement human rights due diligence processes, which include: “assessing actual and potential impacts and acting upon findings, tracking responses, and communicating how impacts are addressed.” This process must also encompass environmental and climate-related harms, recognizing their direct impact on fundamental rights, such as the right to health and the right to a healthy environment.⁵⁹⁷ When a company identifies adverse impacts within its value chain, it should use its “leverage to prevent or mitigate the adverse impact.”⁵⁹⁸ If unable to do so, the company should consider ending the business relationship.

OECD’s Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises

The OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises on Responsible Business Conduct similarly provide standards of practice for responsible business conduct. These guidelines call on enterprises to operate in alignment with internationally agreed upon goals on climate change, including expectations for mitigation as well as adaptation.⁵⁹⁹ The guidelines recommend that companies and financial institutions take steps to understand and respond to climate impacts associated with their operations, products, services, and investments.⁶⁰⁰

Notably, the guidelines include specific reference to workers’ ability to adapt to climate change, asserting that “enterprises should avoid activities which undermine climate adaptation for, and resilience of, communities, workers and ecosystems.”⁶⁰¹

Though Bangladesh is not a member of the OECD, many companies operating inside its borders or sourcing from its supply chains are based in OECD member countries, including the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and Canada.

EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive

The EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive is a newly adopted, though not yet effective, European Union regulation that aims to hold companies accountable for human rights violations and environmental harms in their global supply chains.⁶⁰² The directive requires businesses to conduct human rights and environmental due diligence within their global operations and supply chains to eliminate, mitigate, and remediate adverse impacts.⁶⁰³ The provisions are to be enforced through “effective, proportionate and dissuasive penalties” for non-compliance.⁶⁰⁴ In addition, the directive creates an obligation for large companies to adopt and implement transition plans for climate mitigation in alignment with the Paris Agreement, though it does not include sanctions for companies that fail to meet established emissions reduction targets.⁶⁰⁵

Importantly, the directive requires brands to “meaningfully engage” with stakeholders to design due diligence measures, which includes workers, trade unions, and other groups representing their rights.⁶⁰⁶

International Accord for Health and Safety in the Textile and Garment Industry

The International Accord is a legally binding agreement between garment brands and trade unions that evolved out of the 2013 Accord on Fire and Building Safety in Bangladesh that was developed immediately following the Rana Plaza disaster. It has since developed into an international framework that facilitates the implementation of country-specific safety programs (CSSPs), including in Bangladesh.⁶⁰⁷

While the purpose of these programs is to promote workplace health and safety, neither the International Accord nor the Bangladesh Safety Agreement explicitly mention climate- or heat-related hazards.⁶⁰⁸

XI. International Legal Standards and Accountability

International human rights law obligates the government of Bangladesh to protect workers and others within its borders from harm, including foreseeable harms linked to climate change and extreme heat. This includes the obligation to regulate the conduct of private actors, including businesses.

The Right to Health

The right to health is a fundamental human right that guarantees every person access to the “highest attainable standard of physical and mental health.”⁶⁰⁹ The right to health is protected under both the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) as well as Article 12 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which Bangladesh ratified in 1998.⁶¹⁰

State obligations to take steps to promote, protect, and fulfil this right extend to the underlying determinants of health, including safe and healthy working conditions. The realization of this right requires that states take steps to protect those within their jurisdictions from the rights impacts of climate change.

The Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights recognizes climate change as a “massive threat” to the enjoyment of the right to health and has repeatedly indicated that “failure to prevent foreseeable human rights harm caused by climate change, or a failure to mobilize the maximum available resources in an effort to do so, could constitute a breach of … obligation.”⁶¹¹

Equitable promotion of the right to health will be a necessary step toward effective climate adaptation.

The Right to Life

The right to life is protected under both the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which Bangladesh acceded to in 2000.

Government obligations to respect and ensure the right to life “extend to reasonably foreseeable threats and life-threatening situations that can result in loss of life,” including those related to climate change.⁶¹² The UN Human Rights Committee has found that climate change and unsustainable development present some of the “most pressing and serious threats” to the right to life. Ensuring the realization of this right will therefore require that states take measures to preserve the environment and protect against climate harms caused by public and private actors, including businesses.

The Right to a Clean, Healthy, and Sustainable Environment

The UN General Assembly adopted a resolution in 2022 declaring access to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment to be a universal human right. The resolution highlights the way in which a healthy environment is critical to the enjoyment of numerous other human rights. Bangladesh voted in favor of the resolution.⁶¹³

Though Bangladesh has not yet integrated the right to a healthy environment into its domestic law, the Constitution of Bangladesh was amended in 2011 to require that the state “protect and improve the environment … for present and future citizens.”⁶¹⁴ The UN Human Rights Council has also called on all member states to take steps to “respect, protect, and fulfil” the right to a healthy environment.⁶¹⁵

The Right to a Safe and Healthy Working Environment

The right to occupational health and safety is a critical extension of the rights to health, life, and a healthy environment, and is similarly protected under international law. The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which Bangladesh ratified in 1998, recognizes the right to just and favorable conditions of work. The ICESCR indicates that this right applies to “all workers in all settings,” including self-employed workers, migrant workers, and those in the informal sector.⁶¹⁶ In order to protect and uphold this right, states are required to adopt national policies to minimize hazards in the workplace and require businesses to provide access to safe drinking water and adequate sanitation facilities.⁶¹⁷

The right to a safe and healthy working environment is further protected by the International Labour Organization under the Declaration of Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work (1988, amended 2022).⁶¹⁸ The International Labor Organization is a United Nations agency dedicated to promoting social and economic justice through the advancement of international labor standards and rights. Bangladesh has been an active member of the ILO since 1972 and has ratified eight of the ten fundamental ILO conventions, which are legally-binding.⁶¹⁹

Notably, the two remaining fundamental ILO instruments that Bangladesh has yet to ratify are the Occupational Safety and Health Convention (1981, No. 155) and the Promotional Framework for Occupational Safety and Health (2006, No. 187), both of which provide critical protections for workers.⁶²⁰ These instruments require countries to establish national policies and to enforce those policies through inspections and related penalties. A representative of the Bangladesh Apparel Workers Federation told Climate Rights International that the Secretary of the Ministry of Labour and Employment has verbally agreed to ratify Conventions 155 and 187 in the coming months.⁶²¹

ILO guidelines explicitly address temperature regulation in the non-binding Hygiene Recommendation of 1964 (No. 120), which Bangladesh has also not yet incorporated into its national standards. The Hygiene Recommendation states that “No worker should be required to work regularly in an extreme temperature,” and that relevant authorities should determine maximum standards of temperature and provide rooms in which workers may rest to relieve discomfort from the heat.⁶²² Moreover, Bangladesh has not yet ratified the Safety and Health in Construction Convention, 1988 (No. 167), the Medical Care and Sickness Benefits Convention, 1969 (No. 130), the Minimum Wage Fixing Convention 1970 (No. 131), or the Protection of Wages Convention, 1949 (No.95) which provide additional protections for workers. A representative of the Bangladesh Apparel Workers Federation told Climate Rights International that the Secretary of the Ministry of Labour and Employment has verbally agreed to ratify the Violence and Harassment Convention (No. 190) in the coming months.⁶²³

Despite having not yet ratified these provisions, ILO member states, including Bangladesh, still have an obligation to promote and realize the fundamental right to a safe and healthy working environment, as outlined in the Declaration of Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work (1988, amended 2022). The Declaration “contains the core principles that ILO Member States are called upon to respect by virtue of their membership even if they have not ratified the ILO’s Conventions in which they are expressed.”⁶²⁴ This is particularly important for Bangladesh, as the ILO’s Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh (2022 – 2026) explicitly recognizes that the workplace effects of heat stress and other related hazards may lead to “worsening working conditions, large scale loss of jobs, and employment prospects.”⁶²⁵

Moreover, in keeping with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, Bangladesh has pledged to “protect labour rights and promote safe and secure working environments for all workers, including migrant workers, in particular women migrants, and those in precarious employment.”⁶²⁶ Notably, the Bangladesh Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate Change is listed as an “implementing partner” in these efforts.⁶²⁷

XII. Looking Ahead: Opportunities for Progress

In the summer of 2024, a series of protests broke out across Bangladesh, fueled by complaints about public sector hiring practices.⁶²⁸ The government at the time responded violently and with deadly force, which only sparked broader public outrage and ultimately resulted in a mass uprising that toppled the Awami League government of Sheikh Hasina, which now stands accused of atrocity crimes.⁶²⁹

In the wake of these events, Bangladesh is embracing a transitional era under an interim government – and public demand for reform is strong.⁶³⁰ Now, with national elections on the horizon – and as temperatures in the region continue to rise – the moment presents a critical opportunity to take worker safety more seriously and to embed protection measures for these groups into the next phase of national rebuilding efforts.

The current administration, led by Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus, is already signaling support for the issue, including through the development of a Labor Reform Commission, which aims to ensure decent work and safe and healthy working conditions for all.⁶³¹ While these efforts could be enhanced with the explicit incorporation of climate and/or heat-specific programming and adaptation measures for workers, they are a positive step forward. Moreover, CRI learned that the current secretary serving the Ministry of Labour & Employment has verbally agreed to ratify International Labour Organization Conventions C-155 (Occupational Safety and Health Convention, 1981), C-187 (Promotional Framework for Occupational Safety and Health Convention, 2006), and C-190 (Violence and Harassment Convention, 2019) in the coming months.⁶³² Though these efforts may indicate a changing tide in Bangladesh, their success will require broader buy-in and cooperation of a wide range of stakeholders, including corporations, employers and suppliers, international institutions, other relevant government agencies – and, importantly, workers themselves.

Critically, the feasibility and success of widespread heat adaptation efforts in Dhaka will require increased financial support from the international community, and in particular from the high-income countries most responsible for climate change. This reality is widely recognized by local labor rights leaders, including Towhidur Rahman, President of the Bangladesh Apparels Workers Federation, who articulated a timely call-to-action: “We hope that the international community, including governments and companies, will step forward on climate change and provide assistance to support Dhaka’s workers.”⁶³³

Recommendations

Climate Rights International asked workers directly about their needs regarding occupational heat safety and climate adaptation in the workplace. Their specific recommendations are included in the lists below. A more detailed analysis of worker recommendations will be published in a forthcoming academic report.

To the Government of Bangladesh

Strengthen legal protections for occupational health and safety, including heat-specific protections.

- Fulfill the stated commitment to ratify the Occupational Safety and Health Convention, 1981 (No. 155); Promotional Framework for Occupational Safety and Health Convention, 2006 (No. 187); and Violence and Harassment Convention, 2019 (No. 190) and integrate the provisions of these conventions into current and future domestic labor laws and policies.
- Ratify and/or implement other key ILO conventions on occupational health and safety, including those listed below, and integrate the provisions of these conventions into current and future domestic labor laws and policies:
  - Hygiene Recommendation,1964 (No. 120);
  - Safety and Health in Construction Convention, 1988 (No. 167); and
  - Medical Care and Sickness Benefits Convention, 1969 (No. 130).
Establish a national standard for heat management in the workplace, including mandatory, sector-specific, and legally binding heat stress policies for both indoor and outdoor workers, based on science-backed best practices.
- Standards should include:
  - Acclimatization protocols for new workers to adapt to extreme heat;
  - Work-rest ratios based on real-time environmental conditions, including Wet Bulb Globe Temperature;
  - Stop-work temperature thresholds and assurance that workers receive full pay when work is stopped due to dangerous heat;
  - Additional flexibility for workers to change working hours to avoid working in peak heat conditions;
  - Mandatory access to free, clean drinking water and electrolytes such as oral rehydration therapy (ORT) or saline;
  - Unrestricted bathroom access, including access to clean toilets available within a reasonable distance to the worksite;
  - Employer obligations to train all workers and supervisors about heat-related illness, including early detection, prevention, and emergency response;
  - Return-to-work standards to ensure that workers are able to fully recover following heat-related illness before returning to work;
  - Explicit protections to ensure that workers are not penalized for taking additional breaks for rest or hydration or other adaptive measures in hot conditions; and
  - Explicit protections against employer retaliation for workers complying with heat standards or reporting unsafe conditions.
- Integrate the above heat safety standards into:
  - The Bangladesh Labour Act (2006);
  - The National Occupational Safety and Health Policy (2013);
  - The Bangladesh National Building Code (2020), where relevant;
  - Priorities and goals of the Labor Reform Commission under the interim government; and
  - Future climate, health, and labor plans and policies.
- Expand and ensure heat protections for all vulnerable groups, including by:
  - Extending current and future protections to informal and self-employed workers.

Implementing upskilling initiatives for unskilled workers, as outlined in the Mujib Climate Prosperity Plan (2022 – 2041);
Providing free access to clean and safe water, public restrooms and shading stations along roadsides; and
Considering the implementation of government-funded training programs on heat safety for workers in the informal sector and self-employed workers.

- - Recognizing platform/gig work in existing and future labor law, regardless of employment type.⁶³⁴
  - Establishing and resourcing the Bangladesh Building Regulatory Authority in order to enforce the updated Bangladesh National Building Code and ensure construction site safety.⁶³⁵
  - Providing additional accommodations, such as reduced intensity work and/or longer or more frequent breaks, for those wearing heavy or multi-layered clothing or gear, including those using personal protective equipment (PPE).
  - Ensuring gender-sensitive protections for women workers, including pregnant workers.
- Remove caps on financial compensation for occupational injuries.

Strengthen labor law enforcement and compliance mechanisms.

- Establish and enforce meaningful penalties for non-compliance with labor laws and related heat and climate protections, including fines, criminalization, suspension of production, and license revocations.
- Increase coordination across relevant ministries to support heat protection and adaptation enforcement, including by:
  - Expanding the capacity of the Department of Inspections for Factories and Establishments (DIFE) to conduct temperature inspections and otherwise ensure compliance;
  - Integrating heat stress reporting into existing workplace compliance mechanisms to allow workers to safely report employer non-compliance; and
  - Incorporating compliance with national and international labor standards into green workplace certification assessments, as proposed by the Bangladesh Institute of Labor Studies.⁶³⁶
- Mandate public reporting of compliance with heat protections and name non-compliant employers and companies.
- Support workers’ right to organize so that they can advocate for better heat protections, including by removing barriers to freedom of association and guaranteeing legal protection from anti-union retaliation.

Address financial risks of heat-related productivity losses.

- Ensure all workers across both the formal and informal sectors are paid a living wage.
  - Reference economic analyses by the Global Living Wage Coalition and international standards to develop effective enforcement of livable wage standards, including the 2024 OECD Handbook on Due Diligence for Enabling Living Incomes and Living Wages in Garment and Footwear Supply Chains.
- Establish climate-specific financial relief programs, such as cash transfers during extreme heatwaves to offset lost wages, including for informal workers and/or self-employed workers.

Centralize and coordinate heat management across stakeholders and incorporate heat-specific protections into existing climate adaptation planning.

- Appoint a national Chief Heat Officer to coordinate heat-related policies, worker protections, and compliance efforts across government agencies and with other relevant stakeholders.
- Explicitly incorporate heat stress protections and heat-related health indicators, including for workers, into future Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) submissions under the Paris Agreement.
- Develop plans to increase access to sustainable cooling, including for vulnerable groups, and integrate these plans into Bangladesh’s National Cooling Plan and future NDC reports.
- Ensure collaboration between the Ministry of Labor and Employment, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, the Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate Change, the Ministry of Industries, and other relevant stakeholders.
- Ensure streamlining processes include both social dialogue and worker representation in heat management efforts.

Improve access to social protection programs, including for informal workers.

- Improve access to healthcare, including preventative health services.
- Improve access to health insurance, including climate-specific health coverage that includes treatment for health issues caused by heat, including mental health and pregnancy-specific health issues linked to heat exposure.
- Improve access to childcare and subsidized and climate resilient housing.
- Improve access to financial assistance during climate-driven disruptions.⁶³⁷

Prepare for a just transition.

- Develop a national strategic framework for a just transition, including actionable ways to uphold workers’ rights and a decent work agenda.
- Ensure the government fully engages with employers, trade unions, and workers in planning or implementation efforts relating to a just transition.
- Invest in climate-smart and climate adaptive technologies, including renewable energy.
- Expand data collection on local climate and heat impacts.

To Dhaka North and South City Corporations and Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha, Dhaka’s Urban Development Agency:

Strengthen urban heat resilience and risk management.

- Re-establish and ensure adequate funding and staffing to support the office of the Chief Heat Officer to oversee heat-related risk management, policy implementation, and compliance enforcement at the city level.
- Implement the Climate Action Plans for Dhaka North and Dhaka South, including the following provisions, and routinely and publicly report progress:
  - Proceed with the development of Heat Action Plans and early warning systems, and ensure clear and accessible communication pathways with vulnerable groups, including workers;

- - Consider requiring localized Heat Action Plans for labor-intensive areas, including Dhaka’s industrial zones, with real-time heat advisories, as recommended by the Bangladesh Institute of Labor Studies;⁶³⁸

- - Invest in green urban infrastructure, including green roofs and green spaces, and mandate heat-sensitive urban planning to help combat the urban heat island effect; and
  - Provide publicly available cooling shelters and drinking water facilities for people who work outside.
- Increase public access to free, potable water and ORT, and safe and accessible bathrooms.
- Expand access to affordable clean energy for cooling, including by developing public-private partnerships to subsidize sustainable, affordable cooling solutions.
- Create targeted and accessible outreach campaigns to educate urban workers and other at-risk groups about climate risks and adaptation strategies and labor rights.

To Employers:

Adapt workplaces to reduce heat exposure and related risks.

- Incorporate heat-specific occupational health and safety guidance when it becomes available, as outlined above.
- Implement temperature monitoring systems at worksites that incorporate measures of sun exposure, humidity levels, and clothing and/or protective equipment.

- Implement passive cooling measures such as increasing shade, ventilation, and airflow at worksites.
- Establish science-backed work-to-rest ratios and a maximum temperature threshold for stopping work, with full compensation for affected workers.
- Ensure unrestricted access to free and clean drinking water and oral rehydration therapy, including, where relevant, financial support to pay for these resources.
- Ensure workers are not penalized for taking breaks to engage in adaptive behaviors, such as hydrating or resting, to protect themselves from the heat.
- Provide unrestricted access to bathrooms and ensure workers are not penalized for taking bathroom breaks.
  - For informal employers or employers with mobile and/or non-permanent worksites (as in construction and transportation), ensure access to portable toilets on-site and/or provide a daily stipend to cover the costs of public restroom use; if workers must travel to use the bathroom, ensure they are not penalized for taking longer breaks to do so.
- Establish accessible, cooler locations where workers suffering from the heat can recover, including shaded rest areas for outdoor workers.
- Allow for workers to adjust their schedules to avoid working in peak heat conditions whenever possible.
- Relax any required labor or physical activities during peak heat hours
- Reduce the intensity of work when PPE is required in hot conditions and consider using administrative controls to reduce occupational environmental hazards that increase the need for PPE.
- Ensure access to health care for work-related illnesses and injuries and ensure workers have adequate time to recover before returning to work.

Increase awareness of heat-related risks

- Provide mandatory heat stress training for all workers and supervisors, including information about:
  - How to recognize and respond to heat-related illnesses;
  - The importance of acclimatization for new workers;
  - Their legal rights related to occupational health and safety;
  - The role of PPE in heat stress and how to adjust workloads accordingly; and
  - Reporting requirements for heat-related illnesses and injuries.

Ensure worker representation in heat management efforts.
- Engage trade unions and worker representatives in developing heat adaptation plans and regularly consult with workers throughout the implementation process.
- Implement confidential workplace complaint mechanisms that allow workers to anonymously report heat safety violations without fear of retaliation.

To Global Companies and Brands:

Strengthen supply chain due diligence.
- Conduct supply chain due diligence to assess heat-related human rights risks and take necessary action to eliminate them, including for sub-contractors.
- Include trade union and worker representatives in auditing and assessment processes to ensure transparency and accountability.
- Partner with local labor rights organizations to monitor supplier adherence to protective climate adaptation and occupational health and safety standards and just transition principles.
- Implement accessible and confidential grievance mechanisms to enable workers to file complaints without fear of retaliation.
- Engage with non-profit and worker-led organizations dedicated to improving worker health and safety across supply chains.
- Adopt binding agreements to improve worker health and safety across supply chains, such as the International Accord for Health and Safety in the Textile and Garment Industry, and adopt voluntary heat stress standards, similar to the National Voluntary Consensus Standard addressing heat stress for workers in construction used in the United States.⁶³⁹
- Incorporate heat-health and safety standards into existing industry agreements, including the International Accord.
- Champion sustainability by reducing emissions linked to business operations and by prioritizing the development of climate-resilient infrastructure within supply chains.

Establish and enforce minimum workplace heat safety standards for all suppliers.
- Mandate real-time temperature monitoring at all worksites.
- Establish and implement science-backed work-rest ratios based on real-time environmental conditions, including a threshold for work stoppage during extreme heat.
- Partner with trade unions and other workers groups to integrate worker perspectives into heat safety standards and champion and improve worker education on these issues, including through heat safety training programs.
- Consider investing in wearable devices to more closely monitor worker health in hot conditions.

Promote responsible purchasing practices to reduce heat-related risks
- Engage in responsible purchasing practices to reduce production pressures that may prevent suppliers from implementing proper safety measures, including those related to heat safety.
- Regularly review and adapt practices to prevent wage suppression and cascading effects on workers’ physical and mental well-being.⁶⁴⁰
- Create agreements and enforceable contracts that outline the above commitments.

Ensure financial support for workers
- Ensure workers are paid a fair and living wage so that they are not forced to work excessive overtime and/or in dangerously hot conditions.
- Adopt a living wage benchmark endorsed by reputable organizations in each sector and report on how the benchmark will be used to close the living wage gap.⁶⁴¹
- Develop emergency financial assistance programs to offset lost wages when extreme heat prevents safe work.

To Consumers:

Conduct your own due diligence research and, where possible, spend money only with brands that uphold your values and protect and promote human rights, including those related to climate change.
Shop only in moderation and actively consider the longevity of and the labor required to produce the products you buy.

To Foreign Governments and Multilateral Institutions:

Strengthen legal frameworks for corporate accountability.
- Champion and enforce mandatory supply chain due diligence laws that require the assessment and mitigation of climate-related risks and hold multinational corporations accountable for labor conditions across their supply chains.
- Protect workers from extreme heat through legally binding occupational health and safety standards.
- Require and enforce fair wages and ethical labor practices to prevent economic pressures that force workers to work in dangerous conditions.
- Support the inclusion of heat standards in the forthcoming International Labour Organization guidelines for gig workers.

Include conditions relating to climate adaptation and labor rights in new and existing trade agreements.
- Coordinate trade policies in alignment with international labor standards, including key ILO conventions relevant to occupational health and safety.

Increase climate financing from high-income countries to support heat adaptation in developing countries.
- Provide financial backing to support the implementation of heat-adaptation efforts in low- and middle-income countries, including Bangladesh, as agreed to in the Paris Agreement.
- Advance multi-country funding initiatives to expand global access to sustainable cooling and support and expand research on and implementation of heat-resilient workplace interventions across industries.

Take steps to regulate environmentally irresponsible industries.
- Consider developing and enforcing regulations to increase regulation of detrimental industries, as is being done in France, where a recent bill is set to ban advertising and increase disclosures in the ultra fast-fashion industry.

To Trade Unions:

Develop and distribute worker-friendly resources to educate workers about environmental justice and climate-related risks, including best practices regarding climate and heat adaptation in the workplace.⁶⁴²
Strengthen collective bargaining for heat protections, including by incorporating heat protections and other climate adaptation standards into existing binding agreements and initiatives with publicly reported compliance, like the International Accord for Health and Safety in the Textile and Garment Industry.

Acknowledgements

This report was researched and written by Cara Schulte, doctoral candidate at the University of California, Berkeley. It was reviewed by Linda Lakhdhir, Legal Director at Climate Rights International and Brad Adams, Executive Director. Deyah El-Azhari, Associate, contributed to the logistics and production. The report summary and recommendations were translated by Nafew Ahmed and reviewed by Hannan Biswas.

Data collection and analysis were supported by funding from the Human Rights Center, the Subir and Malini Chowdhury Center for Bangladesh Studies, and Dr. Laura H. Kwong’s Global Environmental Health Solutions Laboratory at the University of California, Berkeley. Global Worker Dialogue and local researchers, Hannan Biswas and Bejoya Islam, provided invaluable logistical and research support. Kaaya Kaur Batra, Simone Gramling, Saakhi Kang, and Prongha Talukder provided qualitative coding support.

We would like to thank Md. Manirul Islam, Deputy Director of Research, Bangladesh Institute of Labor Studies; Moumita Das Gupta, Research Fellow, Center for Climate Justice, Bangladesh; Dr. Farzana Yeasmin, Assistant Scientist, icddr,b (formerly known as the International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh) and Climate x Health Awardee; Dr. Rohini Haar, Assistant Adjunct Professor, UC Berkeley School of Public Health; Sanchita Saxena, Professional Faculty, Responsible Business, UC Berkeley; and Dr. Laura H. Kwong, Kirk R. Smith Scholar and Assistant Professor, Department of Environmental Health Sciences, UC Berkeley School of Public Health for their expert input. We are deeply grateful to “Ma” Hossain for her warm hospitality, kind wisdom, and – not least – her home-cooked meals, all of which were critical to the success of this project. Most importantly, we would like to thank the workers who shared their stories with us, without whom this report would not have been possible.

Appendix

Letters to Companies:

Company Responses:

H&M
Inditex (Zara, Bershka)
Mango Fashion Group
New Look
Tendam
PVH Corp. (Tommy Hilfiger)
Walmart
Delivery Hero

Letters to Government Officials: